In December of the fourth year of Yongping, General Chen Zhongde, who concurrently held the position of Minister of Rites, lost his grandmother. He wanted to observe three years of mourning in accordance with the rites, wearing the 'qi shuan' mourning attire. However, he felt that his official rank was not high enough to bypass his uncles and directly observe three years of heavy mourning as a legitimate grandson, worried it might contravene ancestral customs. As a result, he sought a ruling from the court.
Scholars Sun Jingyong, Liu Huaiyi, Feng Gui, and Gao Chuo, along with Yuan Sheng, a Doctor of the Academy, and Yang Ningju, a Doctor of the Four Gates, gathered to discuss and concluded, "It is fitting for a legitimate grandson to take on the important duty of ancestral worship and observe three years of heavy mourning. This is different from ordinary commoners; therefore, Chen Zhongde should observe three years of heavy mourning in precedence over his uncles."
Grand Minister Liu Fang offered a differing perspective: "The mourning attire system is the formal etiquette followed by the gentry class, which includes regulations on the attire for the emperor, princes, and officials. In some cases, it may sometimes align with those of commoners, but these cases are clearly defined. As for the eldest grandson's inheritance of filial piety, it only applies to those of the gentry class and above. In ancient times, most families within the gentry inherited their titles, and only families above the gentry class had ancestral temples. Many Confucian scholars argue that the practice of the eldest grandson inheriting filial piety is applicable to commoners as well, but I think this is incorrect. How can this be proven? In the 'Book of Rites - Inquiry into Mandates,' it says: 'The emperor sacrifices to ancestors in the ancestral temple, establishing two altars; the princes also establish two altars for higher sacrifices, one altar for middle and lower sacrifices.' The significance of an altar is to collectively honor ancestors and ancestral spirits. The 'Rites of Sacrifice' further states that 'commoners lack ancestral temples.' Since this is clearly stipulated, how could this possibly apply to commoners? Inheriting filial piety pertains to overseeing ancestral sacrifices, not setting up ancestral tablets for worship at home. Moreover, only those who are direct eldest sons across consecutive generations can be considered legitimate grandsons; otherwise, they cannot inherit ancestral sacrifices. Zheng Xuan offers a different interpretation, saying it is for the eldest son of five generations to wear mourning clothes. However, after the Wei and Jin dynasties, this practice fell out of use. The 'Book of Mourning Attire' does not stipulate that the eldest grandson must observe three years of mourning for his grandparents; only the eldest son mourns for three years, and the eldest grandson mourns for a period. The interpretations regarding the eldest grandson's inheritance of filial piety are all later extrapolations from scripture. Today, legitimate sons no longer don mourning attire, and lower-ranking grandsons do not take precedence over their uncles in observing three years of mourning, which is understandable. Furthermore, according to ancient standards, Chen Zhongde's official position does not even reach the level of a low-ranking official. Such rituals are not observed when commoners take on official roles, and based on ancient classics and current situations, this practice is quite uncommon. Moreover, Chen Zhongde's uncles are still living; there are relatives managing the funeral arrangements, and he should be treated like the other grandsons and complete his mourning period accordingly."
Jing Yong and the others said: "Although 'Funeral Attire' mainly discusses the attire system of the gentry, it certainly also includes commoners. Why do we say this? From the nobles and above, every item is listed, extending down to commoners. Although it is not explicitly stated, the implication is similar to that of the gentry's attire system, though some confusion arises later. Only in the case of commoners becoming rulers can the significance of funeral attire be clearly defined, unrelated to the relationship between ancestors and descendants. Furthermore, even if a state is inherited from a great-grandfather, and even if the grandfather has passed away, there is no heavier attire system to inherit, yet one still has to observe mourning for three years. This is not due to hereditary rank. The feelings stirred by frost and dew resonate differently with people; the heir of the great lineage must pay respects at the ancestral temple, and the attire for legitimate grandsons is fundamentally different from that for illegitimate grandsons. Moreover, in ancient times, below the rank of minister, all were inherited by lineage, and it was only later that usurpation emerged, which cannot be used to interpret the classics. Therefore, 'Spring and Autumn' criticizes the noble lineage, and 'The Rites of Kings' states that ministers cannot inherit by lineage; this is a clear teaching. Although 'Funeral Attire' does not explicitly state that legitimate grandsons must observe three years of mourning, there are records of ancestors mourning for legitimate grandsons. Is it logical for ancestors to mourn for themselves due to their legitimate grandsons? Is it reasonable for the mourning period of legitimate grandsons and illegitimate grandsons to be the same? Observing three years of mourning for ancestors has been a constant practice in recent times. According to ancient standards, a scholar-official was only someone above two hundred stones; a person of lifelong virtue is comparable to the ancient temple scholars. Suppose a person of lifelong virtue is not granted an official position; if he aspires to benevolence and righteousness, he is bound to fulfill his ambitions. Moreover, he is currently a scholar-official, at a time when the court values talent, yet because of suspicions surrounding his uncle, he is displaced from his rightful position. This isn't helping anyone!"
Fang continued, "The Guozijian says that while 'mourning garments' primarily concern scholars, they must also include commoners. It does not mean that everything within a single text is the same for commoners; rather, it emphasizes that the legitimate grandson assumes the crucial responsibility of ancestral rites, mainly discussing those above the scholar class. This is the core text of the classics, which does not specifically mention commoners. Dai De's 'Changes in Mourning Garments' states: 'The father wears the mourning garments of a long son; from the emperor to the scholars, this is the case for all.' These are all clear bases for legitimate sons above the scholar class. Furthermore, the one who bears the responsibility is because he will replace himself as the principal sacrificial priest of the ancestral temple; the temple master worships the ancestral temple, which is another proof. You quoted that the position of the nobility is not hereditary; this is said in the 'Gongyang Zhuan' and 'Guliang Zhuan,' which are lesser-known Confucian texts. However, books like 'Zuo Zhuan,' 'Shijing,' 'Yijing,' and 'Lunyu' have relevant records; perhaps you did not understand. Xu Shuzhong's 'Different Meanings of the Five Classics' states that currently, the 'Gongyang Zhuan' and 'Guliang Zhuan' interpret the hereditary nature of the aristocracy, meaning that power is held by a single surname, such as the Yin family of Zhou or the Cui family of Qi. In contrast, the ancient 'Zuo Zhuan' states that ministers can also inherit their titles. 'Zuo Zhuan' mentions 'official families,' while 'Yijing' speaks of 'eating the old virtue,' which refers to receiving the ancestral stipend. 'Shangshu' states: 'Generations should select those with merit; I will not disrupt your virtuous deeds.' 'Shijing' says: 'Only the scholars of the Zhou Dynasty can be prominent for generations.' 'Lunyu' states: 'The rise and fall of nations, the continuation of a shattered lineage.' The state refers to the feudal lords, while the generation refers to the ministers. All these are serious classics and clear evidence in 'Lunyu' regarding the hereditary titles above the scholar class, and scholars are all hereditary in their salaries. The eighth-grade official indeed has a single life. However, looking at these bases, one could argue they see the framework but overlook the specifics. Referring to the 'Official Rank Order' established during the Jin Dynasty, the nine-rank system lacks clear hierarchies, so the eighth rank is compared to the ancient lower scholars. Now, the court's 'Official Order' includes defined ranks; if we use the position of Yuanwai, that is the sixteenth rank, how can we consider it the rightful eighth rank of scholars? In conclusion, my stance remains unchanged."
Please provide the content that needs to be translated; I have not received anything yet. Please provide the text, and I will do my best to translate it sentence by sentence into modern spoken Chinese and format it according to your requirements.
Jing Yong and the others discussed, saying: "In the main text of 'Mourning Attire,' the regulations for mourning among officials of the rank of minister and above are clearly stated, but the regulations for commoners are vague and not detailed. This reflects the principles laid down by the rites, which are quite clear and leave no doubt. Moreover, those with hereditary official positions rely on the merits of their ancestors for their livelihoods; those who inherit titles from their ancestors' virtues and status have inherited them; as for the rise and fall of states and their legacies, it mainly refers to the situation where lords and high officials have not been exterminated and left without heirs. For example, the Yang family's four princes of the hereditary title of Jin Diao Qi Yan (an official title), although their positions are hereditary, how can this be considered a hereditary salary? During the Tai Kang period of the Jin Dynasty, there was an official named Yin Sui who, since the mourning period for his father had not yet begun, requested to mourn for his grandmother for three years. At that time, the government did not specify in the rites that one could substitute for their father's mourning, nor was there a rule prohibiting three years of mourning; this was the custom of the Jin Dynasty." The Minister of Documents, Xing Luan, requested to adopt Jing Yong's opinion. The emperor issued a decree saying: "The legitimate grandson mourning for his grandmother has a basis in the rites, and it is commonly practiced by scholars; why must there be a special request for this? Let it be handled according to the National University’s recommendation."
In the spring of the second year of Yanchang, the father of General Yilonghu passed away. He took a leave of absence for twenty-seven months, including several months that were leap months, but he went to the yamen to request an early return to duty. The military commander Yuan Zhen submitted a report: "According to the 'Violation Law', those who request to resume their duties during the three-year mourning period, despite their sorrow, shall face a five-year sentence. Yilonghu has not yet completed his twenty-seven months of mourning and is already requesting to return to his position; by law, he should face a five-year imprisonment sentence." The third public official Cui Hong refuted: "During the three-year mourning period, the first twenty-five months are regarded as the major mourning period. Some Confucian scholars say that the mourning period should end by the end of the major mourning period, while others say it should be twenty-seven months. There is no agreement on which interpretation best reflects the intentions of the sages. Yilonghu has already mourned for twenty-six months. If we adhere to the interpretations of Wang Su and Du Yu, then he has already passed the months for mourning. If we follow the interpretation of Zheng Xuan, mourning ends at twenty-seven months, and during this period of mourning, one can return to work. The 'Book of Rites' states, 'On the day of the major mourning period, one may play the qin.' Since mourning concludes after the major mourning period, allowing one to return to work, why can't he request to resume his duties? If according to the judgment of the government, is it considered a crime to play the qin after mourning concludes? From the perspective of the classics and laws, the government's judgment is indeed unreasonable." Cui Hong then elaborated further.
Zhen presented a memorial to the emperor, saying: "According to 'The Rites of Shi Yu,' the mourning period is three years long. After one year, it is considered minor mourning, and after another year, it is considered major mourning. A sacrificial ceremony is then held in the intervening month. 'The Book of Rites' states: 'On auspicious days, one should play the plain qin.' Zheng Xuan explains: 'Playing the qin is to express comfort in sorrow.' Confucius played the qin five days after major mourning, but he did not play well; it took him ten days to be able to perform songs. Zheng Xuan's commentary and 'Zheng Zhi' both indicate that singing can take place after more than a month, referring to the end of one's own mourning period. This means it is about expressing comfort in sorrow, not about entertainment. Entertainment requires musicians to provide music. In his work 'Explanation of the Three Tests,' the Jin Dynasty scholar Xu Meng said: 'Look at songs like "Shu Li" and "Mai Xiu." The "Book of Songs" states, "A gentleman only composes songs to express sorrow," while the "Songs of Wei" says, "My heart is troubled; I sing and chant." How can these be regarded as grand music? Therefore, simply singing is considered a ballad, while merely playing is referred to as harmony. 'The Book of Rites' says: 'Performing in accordance with musical tones, accompanied by instruments like the guan and feathered instruments, is what is truly called music.' Using the plain qin to signify the end of sorrow and songs to express grief are not considered true music."
The "Jian Chuan" states that after great mourning, one should remove the mourning attire, lean on a cane, and wear plain white linen. The annotations in "Za Ji" state: "The black robe and yellow skirt are the garments for the memorial ceremony, with yellow symbolizing that good fortune has not yet fully returned." "Tan Gong" states: "After great mourning, wear plain clothes, conduct the memorial ceremony that month, and conduct a music performance a month later." "Zheng Zhi" records: Zhao Shang asked Zheng Xuan, and Zheng Xuan replied: the term "Xiang" refers to great mourning, lasting for twenty-five months. The memorial ceremony this month refers to the twenty-seventh month, not the month of great mourning. A month later, conduct the music performance. Xu Meng in his "Shi Liu Zheng" says: music refers to the harmonious sounds produced by the eight instruments, indicating that in the twenty-eighth month, musicians play music of metal and stone. However, some have rebutted: "After great mourning, the mourning period is over." If that’s the case, how can the memorial ceremony be held? Others argued: "Is there any wrongdoing in playing the qin during the memorial ceremony?" However, during the memorial ceremony, one must wear a yellow skirt, indicating that good fortune has not yet returned; playing the qin expresses comfort in grief, which is permitted by ritual. If musicians play harmonious music from the eight instruments before a month has passed, what wrongdoing is there? Others rebutted: "After the memorial ceremony, one can resume official duties; what’s wrong with requesting reinstatement?" Historical records indicate that officials in ancient times mourned for twenty-six months before donning plain white linen. During the great mourning period, how could the memorial ceremony be held? The three-year mourning period does not include the intercalary month, and this reasoning is without doubt. If one continues to wear mourning clothes while seeking official positions and honors, this is a grave sin; how can one expect forgiveness?
Let’s take another look at what Wang Su and Du Yu say. They believe that the sacrificial rites and the grand auspicious ceremony are held in the same month, which is in complete contradiction to Zheng Xuan's interpretation. The funeral hasn’t even concluded yet, but they are so eager to take off their mourning garments. What’s the rush? I feel foolish and dim-witted; Zheng Xuan is right. Why? The Book of Rites states, "Auspicious events should be held as soon as possible, while mourning events ought to be delayed." The Analects says, "Mourning should be kept simple." The mourning period lasts three years, and grief should continue for a lifetime. As for the interpretation of "middle month," although there are two possible interpretations, it should still be delayed for a while, not hurried.
I have reviewed the explanations of Wang Su and Du Yu, whose views date back to the late Wei and early Jin periods. Later, the cavalry officer Cheng Yi supported Wang Su and refuted Zheng Xuan's incorrect claim that mourning rites last twenty-seven months. He wrote *Six Expeditions* and *Three Verifications*, and submitted them to Emperor Wu of Jin, stating: "Rituals are the major codes and systems of the state that the common people must follow daily. How can there be two different interpretations of this? Currently, the views on mourning and the rites differ, which does not reflect a unified and sacred society. Zheng Xuan's claim about the twenty-seven-month mourning rites seriously contradicts the fundamental principles. I have repeatedly refuted Zheng Xuan's mistakes, putting forward six arguments and three points of verification, and at first, they could not overturn my arguments and accepted Zheng Xuan's view." Cheng Yi suggested that Zheng Xuan's view was outdated. During the Tai Kang period, Xu Meng submitted a formal request supporting Zheng Xuan, writing *Explanation of the Six Mourning Rites* and *Explanation of the Three Verifications*, claiming that Zheng Xuan was right about the twenty-seven-month mourning rites and that Cheng Yi and Wang Su were wrong. Scholars like Song Chang also believed that Xu Meng's support for Zheng Xuan was correct, and Emperor Wu of Jin adopted their opinions. Consequently, Wang Su and Du Yu's views were rejected. The reason for this rejection was that Emperor Wu of Jin found their views impractical. However, the emperor leaned towards Cheng Yi, backing Wang Su in an attempt to undermine Zheng Xuan's established system, which left me feeling uneasy. Since there were no other objections, we'll stick to the previous approach.
Hong said again: "According to the three-year mourning period, the matter of the intercalary month, even a well-read scholar may not understand clearly. Longhu grew up in the military camp, came of age in just a few months, and is worried about wasting time. Fundamentally, he is not seeking fame and fortune or an official position, but wants to do things according to the rules. You cannot be so hard on him. Moreover, after two years of mourning, the Grand Auspicious Day comes, followed by the one-month period of fasting. Zheng Xuan believed 'middle' refers to a time in between, and Wang Su and Du Yu also believed so, referring to the middle of this month. Zheng Xuan's interpretation might not fully match the classics' original intent, and Wang Su and Du Yu's understanding may not necessarily go against the will of the sages. Since Confucian scholars have different interpretations of the classics, although Emperor Wu of Jin accepted the opposing views of Song Chang and Xu Meng and agreed with Zheng Xuan's explanation of the fasting period, he initially backed Cheng Yi, supporting Wang Su and Du Yu's perspectives. It is difficult to say which of these two interpretations is correct. After the Grand Auspicious Day, the sages play the suqin, create sheng and ge music, because the funeral has ended but the grief remains, allowing for music. Yuefu music must be played with ganqie feathers and accompanied by metal and stone musical instruments, and must be performed by professional musicians. What crime do ordinary folks commit by playing the qin before the Grand Auspicious Day? Should the law only apply to the elite, or to everyday folks too? The explanation from the government office is even more unreasonable. People from Lu participate in the Grand Auspicious Day sacrifices in the morning and sing songs at night, which Confucius believed could be done after more than a month. Longhu, after the Grand Auspicious Day, when the funeral has ended, playing the qin and singing songs, is in accordance with ritual norms. Longhu wants to be a guard in the palace, not committing a crime punishable by five years. Even according to Zheng Xuan's explanation, the fasting should occur after twenty-seven months, and wearing deep clothing, plain caps, and white silk with yellow skirts and colorful tassels for fifteen days at home after twenty-six months is a sign of mourning after the three-year mourning period, not within the mourning period. The mourning clothes and mourning staff are buried in the ground or thrown in a hidden place, showing that the funeral is over. If the government office says that the funeral has not ended after the Grand Auspicious Day, how can they say that playing the suqin signifies the end of mourning? The mourning period is still long, according to Zheng Xuan's explanation. Longhu's request to be a guard before twenty-seven months is indeed hasty, and he can be criticized for that in terms of human relations and etiquette. However, to hold him accountable for wearing deep clothing and plain silk, just like wearing mourning staff, is inappropriate according to ritual law. Considering the true intention of the law, seeking employment during mourning refers to the time of wearing mourning clothes and staff, not after removing them. Furthermore, Longhu has clearly stated the duration of his mourning, without hiding it, so the government office should inform him according to etiquette and let him return home to complete the mourning period. Even if he did make a mistake, wanting to add more punishment to him, does this show a respect for ritual law, promotion of education, and care for the people? Even by Zheng Xuan's standards, Longhu's offense does not warrant punishment under criminal law; it was just a little hasty, and fifty lashes should be sufficient."
There is no Simplified Chinese text provided for translation. Please provide the source text for an accurate translation.
In July, the seventh aunt of Sikong and Qinghe Wang Yi, Liu, the Queen of Beihai, passed away. At the same time, the nephew of the Grand Minister, Gao Zhao, also passed away. They jointly submitted a memorial to the court, stating they were uncertain about the continuation of music during the mourning period, and requested the ritual officials to discuss and decide.
Doctor Feng Zuzhou of the Imperial Academy offered his opinion: "In the 'Great Record of Mourning,' it is stated that after a mourning period of nine months, one can drink and eat meat after the burial, but cannot participate in entertainment activities; after a mourning period of five or three months, one can also drink and eat meat after the burial, but cannot participate in entertainment activities; for the mourning of a paternal aunt, former lord, or eldest son, the texts only mention that one can drink and eat meat, without specifying whether entertainment activities are allowed. Zheng Xuan explained, 'According to ritual, the higher the mourning rank, the lighter the degree of grief.' Based on this principle, it is clear that music is permissible during the mourning period. In addition, the 'Book of Rites' states: 'During a major funeral, one can discuss mourning matters, but cannot talk about other things; during a minor funeral, one can discuss, but cannot involve entertainment.' If speech is restricted, then playing music is certainly out of the question, so it is clear that there should not be music during mourning. Even in the case of merit, music should cease."
Dr. Jiang Yazhe, one of the four doctoral candidates, put forward different views: "For those in the esteemed positions within the Three Departments, and the significant title of Duke, a founder of the nation, all forms of entertainment should cease during their funerals. If the individuals hold equal status, even if the relationship is distant, music should also be stopped. If the positions are not the same, for example, the funeral of a collateral descendant of the same surname, music may be played after the body has been prepared." Han Shengu, an assistant professor at the National University, offers the following perspective: "As you can see, the feather banners—flags and feather decorations used in ancient processions—are visually pleasing, and silk and bamboo instruments can provide enjoyment, so music is very important and should be halted during times of mourning. However, in this particular case, their modest and frugal virtues align with proper etiquette, their movements are orderly, the cultural artifacts signify their esteemed status, and the sounds of the procession underscore their identity, which clearly conveys their noble status, eliminating the need for music to convey grief. I believe it is fitting to maintain the original procession and fanfare."
Fang Jingxian first rejected the opinions of Jianyi and Caolang, saying, "According to the views of Zuzhou, when a meritorious minister passes away, the playing of drums and wind instruments should cease; while Yazhe believes that after the king of Qi dies, even if he has already been buried, the xiao and guan must still be played. These two statements carry different weights and standards, and their reasoning is inconsistent. The sage empathizes with others, using rites to regulate behavior, while also using human emotions to assist the rites. How can a memorial service for Yusheng be held in the sacred palace while wearing mourning attire and playing music? When a great fire rages, sorrow fades, and instead, people seek comfort; how can this be the true intention of adhering to the rites? According to what you say, the grief expressed in light mourning garments is lesser, and since a memorial service has already been held, music may be played; while the zheng clothing (heavy mourning attire) is only for one memorial service—how can this serve as a standard for judgment? Or, if the rank of light mourning garments is higher and that of heavy mourning attire is lower, then what kind of ranking system is there? Yazhe's opinion holds that if a young noble dies and is not the legitimate son, music can be played after the burial. However, even though there were distinctions of rank in ancient times, there is no record of music being played; I am unsure of the basis for this statement. The mourning attire regulations for rulers and ministers were not clearly defined; it was only due to feelings of gratitude that there would be a subtle sense of sorrow. Therefore, after Zhong Sui's death, no sheng and yue were played; during the mourning period for Zhi Zhao, Du Yan clearly stated that no music would be played. Is it acceptable to play music after the burial of a close relative? Additionally, the opinions of Shen Gu and others suggest that the jia and drums do not fall within the category of musical instruments; the sounding of gongs serves to alert the people, and the blowing of the jia is to clear the way, serving to distinguish ranks and indicate superiority and inferiority, which may be used even in mourning. This may seem reasonable, but a careful examination of the classics reveals no supporting evidence. The Book of Songs states 'the bells and drums are prepared,' 'the drum and bell are struck,' and also says 'in discussing drums and bells, in music of the Pi Yong'; all these indicate that bells and drums are musical instruments—aren't they considered music? Among the eight sounds, there is originally no name for jia; even if we extend this to instruments like xiao and guan, we cannot say they are not music simply because their names differ slightly. If we say that lords and princes hold noble status and their ceremonies should be grand, and that the band for drums and music is provided by the state and cannot be refused, then Wei Jiang and Rong received rewards of gold and stone; Duke Zhong, due to his outstanding contributions, received rewards of five grains. If merits are rewarded, the monarch's orders must be followed; how can music of Jia Lao be played at the burial of a minister, and the music of bells and chimes after the burial? I have carefully studied these two statements and found no basis for either. The Imperial Academy concurrently manages literature; the questions you have raised should be firmly grounded in statutes and systems, carefully considered, and lead to a definitive conclusion to resolve this complex issue."
How can we consolidate various opinions and report them without a thorough analysis, a more comprehensive explanation of the pros and cons, and sound reasoning grounded in classical texts?
Next is the second paragraph:
In summary, Fang Jingxian believed that the opinions of the jianyi caolang were unfounded, as they neither followed ancient rites nor reflected the actual situation. He refuted each of the opposing viewpoints and emphasized that one must study the classics carefully to arrive at the correct conclusions. He criticized the opposing argument's confusion and lack of rigor, arguing that a detailed analysis of various opinions is necessary to resolve the issue. He argued that it is unwise to apply one-sided interpretations of ancient texts without analyzing them in conjunction with the actual situation. He highlighted the sages' governing philosophy of using emotions to guide governance and aligning the heart with proper conduct, asserting that rites must be integrated with human emotions to be truly effective. He believed that when handling funerary matters, rites should be applied flexibly according to specific circumstances, rather than rigidly following certain texts. Finally, he reiterated the importance of studying the classics carefully to reach the correct conclusions, while pointing out the flaws in the opposing argument.
Sun Huiwei and Feng Zuzhou discussed and said, "Lord Sikong is in mourning attire and deeply saddened. He originally didn't want to have any music performances, but because it is customary to have music, which is why there is some controversy. Let’s review the previous regulations. The music performed by the ceremonial band is actually the music played when ancient armies return victorious and is not commonly used in normal times. Only officials of high rank and significant merit are permitted to use it. Although the tunes of the ceremonial band differ slightly from those of metal, stone, and orchestral instruments, they all belong to the category of music. The Book of Rites says, 'The sound of the drum does not necessarily conform to the five notes, but the five notes must be harmonious.' We feel that adding these ceremonial music to senior officials now is to show grandeur. If it is also used during funerals, then it blurs the line between good and bad luck. A person experiences both sadness and joy in a year. From the perspective of etiquette, this is quite inappropriate. Although the two lords are following the rules and the music is not meant for personal enjoyment; rather, it serves as a form of self-entertainment. Now that there is a funeral, they have no intention of listening to music at all, therefore, playing music is entirely unnecessary. It should be halted, similar to the case of Ning Qi. However, etiquette dictates that senior officials must display a certain level of grandeur in public, such as walking briskly, dressing neatly, playing music, and wearing jade ornaments, to show their noble status and the considerable responsibility of advising the king. Since the two lords have noble status and higher etiquette standards than ordinary officials, the ceremonial music cannot be entirely abolished. Etiquette includes the saying, 'to display but not to play.' We recommend retaining the ceremonial music to signify dignity, but not performing it as a sign of mourning. We have analyzed the reasoning and considered emotions, and I think this is the appropriate way to handle it."
The emperor commanded, "You can follow the advice of the Guozijian."
Prince Qinghe's mother, Concubine Luo, passed away. Prince Qinghe formally requested to observe the three-year mourning period. The emperor subsequently instructed the officials of the Ministry of Rites to deliberate on this matter thoroughly.
The attendant, director of the Imperial Secretariat, and Grand Preceptor to the Crown Prince, Cui Guang, gave his opinion: "In the 'Regulations for Mourning Dress and Great Mourning', it is written that younger brothers of nobles are required to mourn for their mothers. The 'Book of Rites' says: 'Concubines of the late ruler should not mourn for longer than the period of great mourning.' The 'Book of Rites' also states: 'Sons of nobles wear mourning clothes and caps for their mothers' passing, but remove them after the burial.' The 'Book of Rites' explains: 'Why is it not included in the five mourning garments? Because the ruler does not wear mourning clothes, so his sons dare not wear them either.' All of this suggests that the status of collateral descendants of nobles depends on their fathers and brothers. If their mother is only a concubine, then their status is equivalent to the illegitimate children of the ruler, and they should not elevate their mother’s status to that of a legitimate wife simply because of their own high status. People like Yinghou and Han Xin, who hold prominent positions, have mothers who enjoy honors equivalent to those of the ruler's mother. This reflects the Zhou Dynasty's etiquette, emphasizing respect for mothers among all descendants. During the Han Dynasty, the kings in their fiefdoms referred to their mothers as empress dowagers, and the palace officials and hundred officials were arranged according to the system of the capital of the Zhou Dynasty. This should have been followed by the emperor, rather than adhering to the etiquette of nobles and illegitimate children. Since the Wei Dynasty, although the court officials have not held high positions, they are unlikely to wear mourning clothes and caps for the period of great mourning. Empress Luo held the title of Queen Mother for over twenty years. Her two sons were both princes, establishing a great country with numerous descendants and officials throughout the country. Prince Qinghe is a grand marquis, with full ceremonial rites and music. All major and minor matters in the country should be conducted according to established etiquette. Therefore, mourning practices should not follow the customs of nobles and illegitimate children, nor should they be confined to the mourning rules of the late ruler's concubines. I believe we can refer to the records in the 'Spring and Autumn Annals' regarding the noble status of descendants, emulate the practices of the Zhou and Han Dynasty kings, respect the status of mothers, reject the lowly status associated with imperial concubines, and convey profound longing for their mothers by selecting somewhat less formal mourning attire. In this way, the three-year mourning period will not seem unreasonable; this allows for the full expression of profound sorrow, balancing grief with adherence to etiquette."
It looks like there's nothing here to translate! Please provide the text you want translated, and I’d be happy to help!
At that time, many people had different opinions, but in the end, the emperor decided to allow the Prince of Qinghe to take on significant responsibilities.
At that time, some people questioned the mourning system of the officials of Qinghe State. Twenty-one scholars, including Li Jinglin, discussed this issue. They said, "Based on the 'Book of Rites', the monarch mourns for three years for his mother, and the subjects should mourn for the corresponding period. Now, the Minister of Works (referring to the officials of that era) was previously rejected by the late emperor, unable to fulfill his filial duties. According to the rules of the 'Book of Rites' regarding great achievements, and looking at examples of mourning and rejection, there is no mention of reducing the mourning period due to being rejected. Now that the Empress Dowager has left the palace and been honored as the Empress Dowager, as the mother of the monarch, her status is respected, making her the equivalent of a national mother. Subjects should mourn according to the prescribed period, without reducing the mourning period based on royal hierarchy, and certainly not reducing the mourning period. The rules of etiquette include both leniency and severity, and this principle is contained within."
Subsequently, ten scholars, including Feng Weibo, voiced differing opinions: "According to the rules, the mourning period for subjects should be one tier lower than that of the monarch. The monarch mourns for three years for his mother, while subjects mourn for one year. Now, the Minister of Works has chosen to perform great achievements to show respect for the late emperor, lowering the mourning level, so the mourning period for subjects should not exceed the regulations. However, the records in the ritual classics regarding this aspect are lacking, with no clear rules. We have privately contemplated the underlying principles and believe it would be appropriate to observe lesser mourning. In this way, the mourning levels of monarch and subjects can be maintained in order, and the ascent and descent of the mourning period can also conform to the norms of etiquette." Han Zixi, the Prefect of Qinghe State, also expressed his own opinion:
Let's first take a look at what the "Great Mourning Award" says: The king's half-brothers must wear mourning for their mother, with the mourning period being major mourning. The "Book of Rites" explains: "Why is it called major mourning? Because we do not dare to exceed the major mourning period for our respected ancestors." You see, even the king of a country must exercise restraint when his son dies; how much more so for the noblest person in the world, who certainly cannot arbitrarily extend the mourning period. Recently, when the king's consort passed away, someone cited this provision, hoping to use it to lower the king's mourning status.
Upon closer examination, there is indeed some reasoning here. The king's half-brothers could refer to the king or his ministers. Common people cannot mourn in the same way as princes; it is precisely because of the restraint shown in honoring the late king that this can be used as a comparison. However, common people do not have fiefs, and there are no ministers to perform mourning rites for them, while the king has ministers, so the rules cannot be applied completely as they are for common people. Those who argue that the king's ministers should also observe mourning are too short-sighted and do not understand the deeper meaning.
Now let's see what the "No Beating Chapter" says: Mourning for the monarch's parents, wife, eldest son, and grandparents. The "Book of Rites" explains: "For parents and the eldest son, the monarch mourns with major mourning; for the wife, it is small mourning; after the father's death, the mourning for grandparents follows." The reason the "Book of Rites" elaborates that mourning for grandparents comes after the father's death is mainly to prevent ministers from following the same mourning period as the monarch for the grandparents. This means that the mourning period for ministers should correspond to the monarch's mourning period. If ministers must wait until the monarch's mourning period concludes to establish their own, then if the monarch mourns for a great period, wouldn't the ministers have to do the same? If we follow the provision about "the king's half-brothers," then there would be no reason for ministers to mourn; if we follow the provision about "mourning for the monarch's parents," then the mourning period must be three years. These two provisions are completely unrelated; citing one means forfeiting the other, and they cannot be mixed together.
Those who see the "not daring to extend the mourning period beyond what is due for the late emperor's great achievements" allow the king to adhere to the rules regarding "younger and elder brothers"; those who see the provisions of "serving the monarch's parents" in the "Mourning Regulations" let the ministers follow the mourning. This is a complete misinterpretation of incomplete provisions, only looking at parts, and it is likely not the original intention of the sages, nor is it the correct way to handle mourning.
Let's talk about mourning first. According to the rules, the hierarchy is well-defined. Even if you are a low-ranking gatekeeper or a senior official's family member, the mourning period for the emperor will not be shorter than yours. The emperor's mourning period in coarse hemp garments will not exceed three months, while ministers must wear plain mourning attire for two years. According to the provisions of the "Book of Rites," only the emperor, feudal lords, and ministers of the king need to mourn for the king's parents, wife, eldest son, and grandparents; others do not need to mourn. Only the emperor's close attendants are required to mourn alongside him. Regarding the elderly in ministers' families, while they must mourn alongside the emperor, their status will be reduced by one rank. These three are the general principles of mourning and are very clear examples. Even the lowest-ranking close attendant cannot have a longer mourning period than the emperor. Is there any instance where the emperor's mourning period is shorter than that of his ministers?
Some people say that there are examples of "from light to heavy" in the "Book of Rites," and the ministers mourning for the emperor are also included in this principle. I believe the "Book of Rites" mentions "from light to heavy," where the prince's wife is considered his imperial aunt, as just a special case in the "Book of Rites," nothing more. How do I know? You will understand by reading the original text of the "Book of Rites" and the explanation in the "Major Commentary." The "Classic" states: "From light to heavy, the prince's wife is considered his imperial aunt." The "Major Commentary" explains that there are six types of mourning, one of which is "from light to heavy." The commentary states: "The prince's wife is considered his imperial aunt." If "from light to heavy" is not only the case of the prince's wife, then Mr. Zheng Xuan should have extensively discussed it in other works, and should not only use the statement in the "Book of Rites" to explain the meaning of the "Major Commentary." Thus, "from light to heavy" applies solely to the case of the prince's wife, and this principle cannot be extended to ministers mourning for the emperor.
If the emperor observes a three-year mourning period for his mother, the ministers are to observe the mourning period accordingly, and it should be clarified, "There is a difference between lesser and greater; the son’s wife is in relation to the imperial aunt; in recognition of the mother's great service, I follow the mourning period." Why not write both of these down to prevent future confusion, yet only one has been recorded, which instead increases today's doubts? Furthermore, when a minister mourns for the king's mother, it is inherently linked to the king's mourning; such mourning ends with the king's death. However, when a wife mourns for her imperial aunt, it is not necessarily linked to the king's mourning; even if the son has passed away early, is she not allowed to mourn? If a wife mourns for the king's parents, and if the king has already completed his mourning when he is informed of the funeral, then there is no need to mourn again, as the bond of kindness has ended, and mourning cannot be continued. Suppose the wife is far away, and the aunt dies in a distant border area, and she is informed of the funeral only after the mourning period has passed; is she also not required to mourn? If the aunt has died, it has nothing to do with whether the son is alive; as long as she is informed of the funeral, mourning must be observed, regardless of the time elapsed. This situation is entirely different from that of ministers mourning for their king.
Ah, mourning for your father, there are only five people, and they have all mourned for three years. No one else is mourning. If my wife follows her father's mourning, will there really be five people? When the accolades come in, will we be able to stop mourning? My situation and my wife's are completely different. If we force them together, it might not be appropriate. I believe my mourning, the mourning period of three years, is still waiting for a decision; whether my wife mourns or not, it is decided as soon as we get married. Family affection and righteousness are originally different, and mourning is naturally different too. So, for those women I have issues with, they can follow their original mourning customs; but you are the pillar of the country, and you cannot shorten the mourning period because of your achievements. Therefore, from hemp fabric to mourning clothes, it only applies to the wives of noblemen; the level of mourning for noblemen's wives shouldn't be compared to that of subjects. I carefully consider, probably this is it. If you insist on applying my wife's situation to me, I don't know what to do. I honestly lack the ability to delve into ancient texts; I can only analyze right and wrong based on reason. Your suffering from the loss of your mother is too great; I mourn to fulfill my filial duty as a subject. But you finished mourning in September and returned to your normal life; I still have to mourn for a year, mourning in your home. The blow is so great, yet you are casual about it; I fulfill my filial duty, yet I have to bear more. Is this fair? Cui Guang, the court attendant, is well-versed and knowledgeable, and recently studied this matter, advocating mourning for three years. Although it is not written in the classics, and previous Confucian scholars have not discussed it, but after reasoning, it doesn't make sense. If the time for my mourning is to be shortened, then we should listen to the attendant; if you are done in September, then there is no way. Qin Shihuang burned books and buried Confucian scholars, the "Book of Rites" is incomplete, so now there is no basis for research, and it is easy to get confused when handling matters. I think that if the law lacks clear guidelines, you have to refer to other cases to sentence; if the ritual classics are missing, you have to refer to similar situations to formulate regulations. In the case where the mourning period is the same but the dress level is different, it is because it feels light in the heart, but it is very heavy from the standpoint of righteousness. Now, I want to strictly follow the rules of mourning; I can't finish mourning in September; I still have to mourn for a year; if I want to lower a level, I cannot use my brother's mourning period to mourn for your mother. Thinking carefully about these two situations, finding a compromise, I think wearing hemp clothing, like mourning attire, with a time limit similar to a minor achievement, would work. The reason for this is to honor your mother by wearing heavier hemp clothing; shortening the mourning period also meets your request to shorten the mourning period. In this way, the hemp attire remains solemn, honoring your mother; the mourning period is shortened, also in line with the principle of lightness.
Li Ping reported: "According to the rules of the 'Book of Rites,' subjects are the dependents of the sovereign, and wives are the dependents of their husbands. Both are required to observe mourning, and their status is one level lower than that of the sovereign or husband. Therefore, when the sovereign mourns for three years, subjects mourn for one year. Now, Minister Sikong Yi has reduced the level of mourning due to his own dislike of mourning, which goes against the original intention of filial piety. The dislike of a high-ranking minister is beyond the control of the court, and the mourning standards should not be lowered without justification. The 'Great Commentary on the Book of Rites' states 'from light to heavy,' with Zheng Xuan's annotation explaining that 'the wife of a nobleman is regarded as equivalent to his mother-in-law.' Since the uncle does not dislike his daughter-in-law, it shows that dislike is not necessary, and therefore the original level of mourning should be observed. This is the rationale behind it."
The emperor issued a decree saying: "The 'Book of Rites' includes both mourning and non-mourning practices, so why only emphasize 'from light to heavy'? Minister Yi currently dislikes mourning, so he cannot be exempted from mourning for this minor issue. There has been no controversy among ministers regarding dislike of mourning, but there is a basis for lighter mourning. Why not adhere to the original regulations? The opinions of Li Ping and Jinglin should be followed."
Subsequently, the emperor issued another decree: "Some time ago, we decided to have the ministers of Qinghe State mourn for the mother of the sovereign for one year, as this matter is very important in terms of ritual. However, upon re-examination, we found no evidence to support this decision, and we cannot establish new rules against the traditional rites. Nevertheless, the mourning period for the sovereign has already been shortened, while that of the subjects remains long. Rituals should reflect human feelings, and in cases of dislike, the level of mourning should be adjusted. The earlier decision can be reinstated, and mourning can be canceled after the funeral."
One night in the first month of the fourteenth year of Tianbao during the reign of Tang Xuanzong (755 AD), Tang Xuanzong passed away in the Shiqian Hall. At that time, the ministers Cui Guang, Yu Zhong, Wang Xian, and Hou Gang hurried to the Eastern Palace and escorted Emperor Suzong out. They entered through the Wansui Gate and arrived at the Xianyang Hall, where they cried for a long time before stopping.
Wang Xian believed the enthronement ceremony should wait until dawn. However, Cui Guang said, "The throne can't be empty; we can't wait until dawn." Wang Xian replied, "We need to inform the Empress first." Cui Guang responded, "The emperor has passed away, and the crown prince ascends the throne; this is how it's always been done. Is there still a need to inform the Empress?" Thus, Cui Guang and Yu Zhong hurriedly sent people to notify the relevant departments and arrange for the enthronement. In this way, Cui Guang temporarily took on the role of Grand Commandant, Yuan Zhao served as the Imperial Attendant (Huang Menlang), Wang Xian took on the role of Minister of Personnel, Pei Jun served as the Deputy Minister of Personnel, and Mu Bi served as the Attendant of the Imperial Court.
Cui Guang and the others urged Su Zong to stop crying and let him stand on the east side. Yu Zhong and Yuan Zhao helped Su Zong face west and cried out dozens of times before stopping, quickly changing Su Zong into the prince's robes. Grand Commandant Cui Guang held the Imperial Seal and the sash, which Su Zong took while kneeling, and then changed into the emperor's ceremonial attire before coming to the front of the Tai Chi Hall. Cui Guang and the others came down the steps from the west, and at that moment, the night duty officials all knelt in front of the hall, facing north, shouting "Long live the Emperor!"
In the eleventh month of the second year of Xiping, on a certain day, Prince Yi of Qinghe (Grand Commandant) submitted a memorial stating: I have heard that the emperors of past dynasties valued ritual etiquette the most, and the most significant aspect of ritual etiquette is funeral rites. The ritual systems of each dynasty have evolved, inheriting customs from previous dynasties while adapting them to current circumstances. As for the discussions on ritual etiquette by the sages and wise men of ancient times, their views are also varied. Some cite scriptures to argue and express different emotions, while others express their own opinions to explore the fundamentals of things. Although each dynasty follows the regulations of its predecessors and has its own experts, discussions on ritual etiquette tend to be quite chaotic, and various opinions hold merit. Each dynasty has its own ritual system to follow, becoming the law of that era, observed throughout society. For example, the ritual system of Shusun Tong was widely adopted in the Han Dynasty; the ritual system of Wang Su was unique in the Jin Dynasty. This shows that although the ritual systems of each dynasty are different, they can be uniformly implemented nationwide. However, for specific ritual details, such as the rituals of weeping, offering sacrifices, behaviors and manners in and out of the palace, and within the inner chambers, it is necessary to consult ritual officials, solicit the opinions of Confucian scholars extensively, record them, and formally promulgate them as laws. If there are discrepancies in the interpretation of ritual etiquette, or if the evidence is unclear, criticism and even accountability may be faced. All of this is recorded in documents that can be consulted and understood. However, we have never heard of any emperor personally setting the standards for funeral rites, nor is there a unified national ritual etiquette standard; the wise ministers who assist the emperor in governance also have their own distinct funeral rites at home. Yet we aspire to set an example through these ritual standards that will be passed down through generations. While educational institutions have been established, the educational system is still not fully developed, and no one has taken on the responsibility of unifying ritual etiquette standards in the examination of past and present practices.
The current situation is that the funerals of royal family members, court officials, the preparation of funeral attire, the dates of sacrifices, etc., are all hastily decided by a scholar official. For example, when the Prince of Guangling, Gong, and the Prince of Beihai, Hao, were mourning for their common mothers, Prince Gong followed a more solemn ritual to mourn at home, while Prince Hao followed a simpler ritual to mourn in a modest house. In terms of seniority, they are both grandsons of the emperor; in terms of status, they are both kings of vassal states, but they are unaware of the sources of their mourning rituals, resulting in inconsistencies in the rituals, with no one to correct them. Even the funerals of royal relatives are similarly chaotic, let alone those of commoners. Since the Han and Wei dynasties, there have been hundreds of volumes of texts on funeral rituals, some of which document the ritual norms established by scholars of that era, and some record the ritual standards set by a generation of ritual masters. Moreover, our nation is vast and brimming with talent. If funeral rituals are so inconsistent, beginning with the royal family, how can they become a model for the whole country? As the Grand Marshal, a position of great responsibility, I find it truly shameful that I cannot take on the responsibility of unifying rituals. I specifically cited the differing mourning rituals of Prince Gong and Prince Hao to illustrate the drawbacks of the confusion in funeral rituals. I earnestly urge you to convene the officials and scholars nationwide for extensive discussions, formulate unified ritual systems, and promulgate them nationwide. Ensure the ritual system is uniform, with clear distinctions between right and wrong, continuously improving it based on actual situations, and making it a permanent regulation. Only in this way can we perfect the national standards for rituals, and I can contribute my modest efforts.
Empress Dowager Ling said, "Rituals are the foundation of governance; how can they be so inconsistent? We can discuss in line with the memorial." This matter is recorded in the "Biography of Zhang Puhui."
In September of the year 766 AD, Empress Dowager Ni Gao passed away at the Yao Guang Temple. Emperor Suzong of the Tang Dynasty issued a decree saying, "Empress Dowager Ni Gao, whose virtues are as boundless as the earth, whose achievements shine like the sun and stars, and whose grace spreads far and wide like the heavens and the earth, unfortunately suddenly passed away. I was educated by the Empress Dowager from a young age, and it was thanks to her strategies that I was able to pacify the Anshi Rebellion as I grew up. According to the rites, it is fitting to express grief and adhere to proper etiquette, so I will mourn for her for three months to show my deep sorrow."
Some suggested, "According to past customs, the funeral ceremony for the Empress Dowager should be quite elaborate, with all officials participating in the mourning rites from the lying-in-state to the burial, following a complex and elaborate procedure. However, Empress Dowager Ni Gao advocated simplicity and adhered to Daoist beliefs during her lifetime, so the funeral should be kept simple and not follow the highest standards of etiquette; moreover, the Yao Guang Temple is small and cannot accommodate so many officials. Nevertheless, since she was respected and served by the court during her lifetime, with a deep bond between the ruler and her subjects, and etiquette was followed throughout, we should now express our grief and not overlook these formalities. Therefore, we propose following past precedents and organizing a simplified ceremony. Officials from inside and outside the court can wear ordinary clothes and simple headwear to accompany her to the burial site, then collectively offer their respects, and the period of mourning will conclude after the ceremony. It will only be held in the capital city, and there will be no nationwide announcement." Emperor Suzong approved this proposal.
In November, Cui Guang, the attendant, National Teacher, and Yitong San Si official, expressed his opinion: "Because of the Empress Dowager Wenzhao's change of burial practices, the officials of the Ministry of Rites are discussing whether the mourning system for the Emperor, Empress Dowager, and courtiers should be light or heavy. Cui Guang suggested his opinion, saying: 'According to the records of mourning attire, although it says "change of burial clothes," the original text does not provide a clear basis, and the interpretations vary widely. Ma Rong and Wang Su believe the mourning period should last three years, while Zheng Xuan believes there should be three different mourning periods of three years, one year, and three months. However, later Confucian scholars mostly supported the views of Ma Rong and Wang Su, while fewer agreed with Zheng Xuan. Therefore, I believe the Emperor should adhere to the views of Ma Rong and Wang Su and wear mourning attire. According to the "Book of Rites": "External ancestors are treated like internal ancestors." Zheng Xuan's notes say: "Ministers wear mourning attire for the monarch, sons wear mourning attire for their fathers, and wives wear mourning attire for their husbands. If you see the body and coffin with your own eyes, you must wear mourning attire." Only after three years can you wear mourning attire, so the mourning period should not exceed three months, meaning she technically shouldn't wear mourning attire. The mothers of Prince Qinghe and Prince Runan should mourn for three years and wear mourning attire; other princes and officials, as mothers or wives of monarchs, only need to mourn for three months, and the others do not need to mourn.'" Furthermore, Zheng Liu, a Tai Chang scholar, also expressed his opinion, saying: 'I carefully reviewed the "mourning attire" and related discussions from past dynasties. The "Book of Rites" says: "Change of burial clothes." Zheng Xuan's notes say: "Ministers mourn for the monarch, sons mourn for their fathers, and wives mourn for their husbands. If you see the body and coffin with your own eyes, you must wear mourning attire." Only after three years can you wear mourning attire, so if the mourning period is less than three months, you need not wear mourning attire. I think Zheng Xuan understands the meaning of mourning attire, but he is mistaken regarding the three-month mourning period. In my view, we should adhere to Jia Kui (Kang Cheng)'s perspective, wear mourning attire, and conclude the mourning period after the burial.' I believe Cui Guang's opinion is sound." The Emperor granted his approval.
On the second day of the Lunar New Year, during the Yuanhui celebration, King Gao Yang Yong felt that because the Empress Dowager was presiding over state affairs and the mourning period for the late Emperor Qin, known as Emperor Xiaowen, had not yet ended, the performances of the hundred plays and music should be called off. However, King Qinghe Yi argued that this was a grand festival for nations coming to pay tribute, and the Emperor's sacrifices should be carried out with great solemnity, following all the necessary rituals. The Empress Dowager then asked the minister Cui Guang what to do, and Cui Guang agreed with King Gao Yang's opinion. Yi then suggested to Cui Guang, "We should reference the classics to make our case."
Cui Guang, based on the phrase from the "Book of Rites" that states "the white cap of mourning, known as Xuanwu, the cap worn by sons," means that during the mourning period after the death of parents, children cannot hold celebratory activities. Duke Anding was the maternal grandfather of the Empress Dowager and also her teacher. The Empress Dowager insisted on wearing her mourning clothes, donning hemp garments continuously. On the first day of the lunar new year, she even went home to weep and pay her respects, and the emperor personally drove to comfort her. The "Book of Rites" states, "For a friend's grave, even if it is overgrown with wild grass, one should not mourn," which indicates that the mourning period for a friend's passing lasts one year. Zigong once remarked that Confucius's grief over Yan Yuan was akin to losing a son; although he did not wear mourning clothes, the loss of Zilu was the same. After Yan Yuan's death, someone brought cooked meat, which Confucius accepted, but he only ate after playing the lute. This indicates that mourning for a son should also extend for a year, and celebratory activities cannot be held. After Confucius's own mother passed away, he played the lute on the fifth day after the grand funeral; the mourning period for parents is three years. Thus, Confucius regarded the mourning period for his teacher with the same gravity as that for his father; although he did not wear mourning clothes, in his heart, he carried the sorrow of losing a father for three years. While it is challenging to fully adhere to ancient rites, recent decrees have emphasized the respect for teachers and ancestors. Therefore, there remains time for mourning within the year. Furthermore, the "Book of Rites" also states that when a mother passes away, children cannot hold celebratory activities upon hearing music. Currently, the Empress Dowager has no other palace and resides in the Jiafu Palace, which is not far from the Taiji Palace. The sounds of bells and drums echoing in the palace can be heard outside, let alone in closer places within the palace! The ministers of the ruler are the backbone of the country; when this backbone is compromised, what could be more heartbreaking? Zhi Zhaozi has not yet been laid to rest, and Du Yan has already advised Duke Ping of Jin about this. Now, although the Prime Minister, Emperor Xiaowen, has been buried, it has only been three months, and his grave is still fresh! With these arguments in mind, Cui Guang ultimately concurred with Wang Gaoyang's viewpoint.
In the first month of the fifth year of Emperor Xiao Jing's reign, King Xian of Qi passed away, but it was kept under wraps at the time. Six days later, Emperor Xiao Jing held a mourning ceremony in the East Hall of Taiji and wore the Qi mourning attire for three months. When it was time for the burial, the central mourning ceremony took place. King Wenxiang of Qi requested that the mourning period begin from the month of his death, and the emperor sent his attendant, Lu Zizhang, to convey the imperial decree. After three attempts and earnest persuasion, King Wenxiang of Qi insisted on his view, and the emperor's decree was ultimately ignored, so the mourning period was followed according to the month of his death.
In the third year of Emperor Taizu's reign, in October, after divination, Wang Yidi, the Minister of Literature, was appointed to compile military strategies.
In the third year of the Peaceful Era, in December, during the New Year, a grand ritual was held to showcase military power as well. The emperor set specific rules: infantry was arranged in the south and cavalry in the north, both sides beat gongs and drums, keeping their formations neat. The infantry wore four different colors: blue, red, yellow, and black, each color forming its own square formation. Shields, long spears, and halberds were arranged in a crisscross pattern, then positions were alternated, attacking each other, practicing various formations, like flying dragons and soaring snakes, showcasing their flexibility and adaptability, along with formations like the box formation, fish scale formation, and the four-gate formation, totaling more than ten types of formations. The soldiers knelt, stood, advanced, and retreated, all movements were very coordinated. After the drill, both northern and southern armies sounded their horns and beat their war drums, and the whole scene was electric with excitement. Then the emperor had six cavalry generals charge at each other while the infantry conducted blockades from all sides, with the south pretending to be defeated and the north pretending to be victorious, making for a lively and spectacular display. From then on, these military drills became a regular occurrence.
In the nineteenth year of the reign of Gaozu, on the day of Jiawu in May, the crown ceremony for Crown Prince Xun was held in the Imperial Ancestral Temple. On the day of Bingshen, Gaozu met with the Crown Prince in the Hall of Glorious Radiance and personally advised him. The specific details are recorded in the "Biography of Xun." In June, Gaozu again met with the officials in the Hall of Glorious Radiance and said, "Recently, the crown ceremony for Crown Prince Xun had some deficiencies in the rituals, and we should reflect on the past mistakes and improve in the future. The ceremonial systems differ between ancient and modern times, and the rituals of the Three Dynasties are also not the same. This time, there were three mistakes in the crown ceremony for Xun: first, I made a mistake together with the Confucian scholars; second, the Confucian scholars went against my wishes, which led to two additional mistakes. Now that the Central Plains have just been unified and everything is about to flourish, various rituals are being re-established, yet these three mistakes occurred, which fills me with both shame and regret. The "Spring and Autumn Annals" records that when Duke Xiang was going to the State of Wei, he first inquired about the age of the ruler of Wei because Wei and Jin shared the same surname, and only then did he proceed with the crown ceremony. In ancient times, the crown ceremony required sacrifices to heaven and earth, and some would even play music to welcome the deities. This time, however, we forgot to play music. Upon reaching the temple courtyard, I conducted the worship ceremony according to my instincts; although there were no offerings to the deities, it was generally still complete. Sima Biao said that the emperors of the Han dynasty had four types of coronets: the black cloth crown, the crown of virtue, the martial crown, and the crown of heaven. I consulted the "Family Sayings: Crown Praise" chapter, which records four types of crowning ceremonies, all of which conform to the rituals. Although the "Family Sayings" is not an official historical record, what is the difference between Confucius's statements and the classics? The Confucian scholars actually overlooked Sima Biao's "Records of the Grand Historian," resulting in the son of the Son of Heaven undergoing a scholar's crown ceremony; this is a mistake of the court. I believe that a crown ceremony should have guests present, but the Confucian scholars all said that guests were not needed. Although I agreed with their statement, the result was still a mistake. What Confucius described as 'clearly articulated' perfectly fits this situation, doesn’t it?" The Crown Prince's tutor Mu Liang and others expressed their gratitude. Gaozu said, "Previously, Pei Wei established the crown ceremony and was unaware of this, so what do you really have to be ashamed of?"
In the autumn of 451 AD, Emperor Suzong held a crown ceremony when he was only eleven years old. After the ceremony, he went to the ancestral temple to offer sacrifices and ordered a general amnesty, changing the era title. These events are all recorded in relevant documents.
Now, let’s talk about the chariot system, which has undergone numerous changes since the Qin and Han dynasties, many of which are well-documented. The Wei dynasty was the last dynasty following a period of chaos, so many ceremonial systems were lost. The chariot established by Emperor Taizu, although based on ancient styles, differed in many aspects from the old system. I am documenting all of this for future reference.
First, let’s discuss the chariot used for imperial rides: this chariot has sixteen shafts, four beams, and red wheels adorned with patterns, featuring intricately carved dragons, tigers, and swirling patterns. The dragon head holds the shafts, a phoenix perches on the beams, the canopy is decorated with patterns of auspicious insects, golden chickens adorned with feathers, and a dragon swimming across the canopy. The body of the chariot features twelve Taichang motifs, as well as designs of the sun, moon, and rising dragons. The emperor rides in this chariot when offering sacrifices to heaven and ancestors.
The Qianxiang chariot: this chariot has feather canopies, featuring auspicious insects painted on the canopy, golden chickens adorned with feathers, and patterns of the twenty-eight lunar lodges, along with motifs of heavenly stairs, clouds, mountains, celestial beings, loyalty, filial piety, integrity, and various mythical creatures such as dragons, flying phoenixes, vermilion birds, black turtles, white tigers, and blue dragons. The Empress Dowager, Empress, and Queen ride in this chariot when offering sacrifices at the suburban temple.
The Dalu chariot: this chariot has twelve shafts and is adorned with jade. The beams and wheels are intricately carved and painted, similar in style to the imperial ride chariot, pulled by twenty oxen.
The Xiaolou chariot: this chariot has eight shafts, and the beams and wheels match the Dalu chariot in color and number, pulled by twelve oxen. The emperor, Empress Dowager, and Empress may also use this chariot for sacrifices at the suburban temple.
Palace carriage: This carriage has a phoenix on each side, as well as white horses. In the front, there are immortals flying about, drawn by two massive elephants. The carriage is decorated with feathered canopies, flags, and banners, similar to the Qianxiang carriage. When the Empress Dowager or Empress goes to the suburban temple for worship, they can ride this carriage as an auxiliary carriage.
Horse-drawn carriage: The carriage is more substantial, with decorations similar to the above. It is drawn by six horses, with one horse on each side. When the emperor goes to the fields for worship or holds a small ceremony, he rides this carriage.
Reclining carriage: Decorated similarly to the above, the carriage is red and is also pulled by six horses.
Touring carriage: Decorated similarly to the above, drawn by fifteen white horses featuring red-tipped tails. When the emperor goes on inspection tours, hunting, or holds small ceremonies, he rides this carriage.
Seven treasures carved carriage: This carriage is decorated with intricate floral patterns highlighted with gold leaf.
Horse-drawn carriage: The emperor possesses three of these carriages, sometimes used as auxiliary carriages.
Ah, these are all ancient carriages! Look at this "black lacquer Shu horse carriage," the black lacquered body with gold leaf floral patterns, which appears splendid.
The "yaoxuan" is a carriage drawn by four horses, with gold and silver inlays on the body, exuding a majestic presence, and the carriage can be disassembled. The "walking carriage" is used by the emperor for discreet travels or during banquets, also used as an auxiliary carriage.
The "golden root carriage" is even more luxurious, with feathered canopies, tassels, patterned carriage yokes and wheels, a luxurious roof, colorful overlapping canopies, and one horse on each side. When the Empress Dowager, Empress, or Queen goes to worship at the suburban temple, fields (ancient imperial plowing ceremony), or worships the silkworm deity, they ride this type of carriage. The Princess, high-ranking princesses, titled princes, and royal consorts can also ride, but they can only ride in the right compartment.
At the beginning of the reign of the founding emperor, the crown prince and princes all rode in "luan carriage," which was quite exquisite! The shafts were adorned with dragon motifs, the wheels were painted vermilion, the hubs featured intricate embroidery, the canopy was lined with red fabric, there were nine dragon flags, and the carriage body was painted with cloud patterns. When the princes were granted the title of king, they were also given this type of carriage, all pulled by four horses.
There were also "yaoche," with black-painted bodies, purple canopies, red carriage covers, pulled by only one horse, also serving as auxiliary carriages. "Gong'an carriages" also had black-painted bodies, purple canopies, red carriage covers, decorative patterns on the shafts, as well as designs of vermilion birds, azure dragons, and white tigers, with eight dragon flags and pulled by three horses, holding the same status as marquises and kings.
"Houche" were akin to those used by marquises, with seven flags, purple canopies, blue linings, pulled by two horses, and also serving as auxiliary carriages. As for "ziche," the carriage bodies were black, decorated with grass leaf patterns on the shafts, six flags, black canopies, blue linings, pulled by one horse, and also serving as auxiliary carriages.
(Undetermined content) When marquises, court officials, and viscounts participated in the great sacrificial ceremony, they could use these carriages. For smaller ceremonies at ancestral temples, they could use "yaoxuan." During the reign of Emperor Gaozu Taihe, the emperor ordered Magistrate Li Shao of the Yicao to supervise the manufacture of carriages, all crafted according to ancient customs.
In the year 910 AD, which was the second year of the Tianxing era of Later Liang, the emperor ordered officials from the Ministry of Rites to collect and organize information on ancient rituals, and then designed three types of ceremonial processions. The first type was called "Dajia," with the largest size, consisting of five royal carriages, led by officials from the Ministry of Rites, totaling 81 carriages in a grand procession. High-ranking officials such as the magistrate of Pingcheng, the Daiyin, the Sili Xiaowei, and the Prime Minister were responsible for leading the way, with the Grand Commandant accompanying the emperor, and officials from the Ministry of Works driving the carriages. With swift horses and soldier escorts, the thousands-strong procession was arranged neatly like a school of fish and migrating geese, presenting a majestic sight. The front of the Dajia procession featured ceremonial items such as leather canopies, battle-axes, flags, and guiding staffs, while the rear had leopard-tail banners. As the procession moved, there were performances of Mingjia (a musical instrument) and trumpet bands playing, producing a grand spectacle. This type of ceremonial procession was mainly used for military sacrifices and large-scale ritual activities.
The second type was called "Fajia," consisting of 36 carriages. The magistrate of Pingcheng, the Daiyin, and the Grand Commandant were responsible for leading, with the Imperial Attendant accompanying the emperor, and the Commandant of the Chariots driving. This procession was primarily used for patrols and smaller rituals.
The third type was called "Xiaojia," consisting of just 12 carriages. The magistrate of Pingcheng and the Minister of Works were in charge, with the Chamberlain accompanying the emperor, and the Carriage Attendant driving. This type of ceremonial procession was mainly used for the emperor's outings and banquets at the suburban palaces. These three types of ceremonial processions were used for honoring the heavens and earth, seasonal ceremonies honoring the Five Emperors, or when high-ranking officials went on official trips. However, only during the annual April ceremony for honoring the heavens and earth would the emperor personally attend, accompanied by the sound of bells to emphasize the solemnity.
In the early months of the second year of the Tianci era, specifically in 911 AD, the emperor ordered a reform of the formation of the "grand procession," changing from the previous formation known as "fish scales and wild geese" to a square formation referred to as "fangchen lubu." Infantry and cavalry were arranged inside and outside, forming four layers of teams, with tall flags set up in the center and roads radiating in all directions, and colorful banners arranged in their respective positions. The teams of princes and other high-ranking officials were arranged in different positions within the square formation according to their ranks: princes in the cavalry team, dukes in the flag team, marquises in the infantry team, viscounts in the sword and shield team, and court officials of fifth rank and above positioned on both sides of the emperor's carriage, with lower-ranking officials leading the way. The car flags, ceremonial guards, pennants, and attire of princes, dukes, marquises, and viscounts were all completely black.
In the first year of Emperor Suzong's reign, in June, Liu Teng and others serving in the palace reported: "The empress dowager's carriages are in a state of disrepair. When we were in the old capital, the empress dowager's carriages were of much higher quality. Since moving to Chang'an, they have yet to be redesigned. We suggest finding officials in charge of ceremonies to redesign them." Upon hearing this, the empress dowager said, "Let the Ministry of Rites take care of this matter."
Then, the Minister of Rites Mu Shao, the Minister of Personnel Yuan Duan, as well as the scholars Zheng Liu and Liu Tailong, held a meeting to discuss. They said, "Let's take a look at the 'Rites of Zhou' and see what kind of vehicles the ancient empress used. The text states that there are five types of vehicles for the empress: Zhongdi (重翟), Yandi (厌翟), Anche (安车), Zhaiche (翟车), and Nianche (辇车). Each of these vehicles has its own unique characteristics, with different decorations, covers, and shafts. The Zhongdi is used by the empress during sacrifices; the Yandi is used by the empress when accompanying the emperor to entertain the vassals; the Anche is used by the empress when going to meet the emperor; the Zhaiche is used by the empress when leaving the palace; and the Nianche is used by the empress for everyday use in the palace. The 'Rites of Zhou' are the rules of the Zhou Dynasty, passed down by our ancestors, and should not be easily changed. Confucius once said, 'Even after hundreds of years, those who inherit the rituals of the Zhou Dynasty can still understand the underlying principles,' showing the importance of these rules. Throughout history, the vehicles of empresses have mostly followed the system of the Zhou Dynasty. Although times have changed, the materials and decorations of the vehicles may vary, but the names and basic styles of the vehicles should not be lost. Now that the Empress Dowager is presiding over state affairs, her vehicle should adhere to the proper etiquette. While we, as scholars, acknowledge our limited knowledge, since we are participating in this discussion, we boldly suggest that we should follow the regulations of the 'Rites of Zhou' and remake these five types of vehicles, adjusting the decorations as necessary based on the circumstances."
Doctor Wang Yanye of the Taixue said: "According to the records in the 'Rites of Zhou', the empress has five types of carriages: the five-wheeled carriage is used during sacrifices to accompany the king; the heavy feathered carriage follows the king during banquets for guests; the comfort carriage is used by the empress when she meets the king; the silkworm carriage is used by the empress when she tends to the silkworms; the sedan is the carriage the empress rides in while in the palace. Additionally, 'The History of Han Clothing and Carriages' states that after the Qin Dynasty unified the country, it referenced the ceremonial systems of the Xia, Shang, and Zhou dynasties. Some say that the mountain carriage from the Shang Dynasty had a body of golden-root color, which the Shang people called the great carriage, so Qin Shi Huang manufactured the golden-root carriage. The Han Dynasty continued the system of the Qin Dynasty, using the golden-root carriage as the exclusive vehicle of the royal family. The Empress Dowager and the Empress both rode in the golden-root carriage, which was adorned with intricate patterns and drapes. If not for formal outings, they would ride in the purple silk carriage, which had wooden carvings and painted poles, with wheels adorned in gold, and a decorated canopy, pulled by three horses on the right. Ruan Chen's 'Ritual Diagrams' also recorded the vehicle and clothing system since the Qin and Han periods, stating: the golden-root carriage is the vehicle the empress uses for formal outings, for sacrifices and weddings; the riding carriage is for the empress during silkworm tending; the comfort carriage is used by the empress for small-scale outings, to assist in sacrifices; the mountain carriage is used when the empress goes out; the dark silk carriage is used for small-scale outings, such as attending the funerals of princesses, city lords, royal consorts, and noblewomen; the entrance carriage is used by the empress for entering and exiting the palace as well as for leisure activities inside. The Jin Dynasty's 'Notes on the First Silkworm Ceremony' records: the empress rides in a mica comfort carriage, pulled by six horses. You see, the ceremonial vehicles of the Zhou, Qin, Han, and Jin dynasties have been documented in various texts. Although the names differ slightly, they are generally similar. The golden-root carriage, although manufactured in the Qin Dynasty, actually inherited the system from the Shang Dynasty. The five types of carriages for the empress today symbolize this legacy, embodying magnificence, elegance, and dignity. Sima Biao believes that Confucius's mention of 'riding the carriage of the Shang' refers to this type of carriage. According to the 'Ruan Diagram', the carriage used for tending to the silkworms is also decorated with mica; the mica carriage of the Jin Dynasty is this type of carriage, with the same use as the feather carriage of the Zhou Dynasty. The comfort carriage shares both the name and function with the heavy feathered carriage of the Zhou Dynasty. The mountain carriage, according to the 'Diagram', is decorated in purple. The dark silk carriage, although made and used differently from the feather carriage, serves the same practical purpose. The current entrance carriage and sedan also fulfill the same function. The 'Diagram' records that the present black lacquered fan sedan closely resembles the sedan of the Zhou Dynasty."
I believe that after the Qin Dynasty overthrew the Zhou Dynasty, many reforms were implemented, and there were substantial reforms in official titles and administrative systems. During the Han and Wei periods, the old systems were largely retained, and although there were sometimes modifications, the old systems of the Zhou Dynasty were not fully restored. This was because a considerable time had passed since the era of the sage kings, the ceremonial practices had become fragmented, and with the changes of the times, things also changed accordingly. Even the most enlightened rulers struggle to alter the systems passed down from their ancestors. I hope the Empress Dowager possesses wisdom and insight, has a deep understanding of all matters, and follows the precedents to leave a model for future generations. I now dare to offer my suggestions based on the "Rites of Zhou," Han and Jin texts, pictorial histories, and the present circumstances. I propose we adopt the practices of the Han and Jin: for formal outings, ride in a gold-root carriage, drawn by four horses, adorned with intricate designs and canopies; during the silkworm rearing season, ride in a mica carriage, drawn by four horses; for informal outings, ride in a purple silk carriage, drawn by three horses; for small-scale outings, ride in a safe carriage, drawn by three horses, for ceremonial purposes; for small-scale outings, ride in a dark silk carriage, drawn by three horses, for attending the funerals of princesses, royal consorts, and noble ladies; when entering or leaving the palace, ride in a fan-painted carriage.
The only missing elements are the vehicles used for banquets and for audiences with the king. In ancient times, feudal lords held ceremonies for meeting the king, which included banquet rituals; therefore, such rituals can be omitted today. Moreover, the current imperial palaces are closely situated, so even when meetings occur, there is no need to drive four horses; given the current circumstances, this practice should also be omitted. Additionally, attending the funerals of princesses and queens is not recorded in "Zhou Li," but this practice now aligns with practical needs. Additions and subtractions differ, and usage changes over time; the systems of the Three Dynasties differ, and the reason lies here. For the Jin Gen carriage and the Yun Mu carriage, the number of horses driven is sometimes three and sometimes six, but there are no records of carriages being drawn by six horses in classical texts and ritual manuals. Today, royal carriages are drawn by four horses, consistent with ancient texts; therefore, the practice of using four horses should be upheld. For other small-scale trips, three horses should be driven. Diagrams provide detailed information on the manufacture, use, and decoration of these vehicles.
Let’s put it this way: at that time, Sikong Ling, the Minister of Personnel, Wang Cheng, along with Left Minister Yuan Hui and Right Minister Li Ping, Minister of Qi, Wang Xiao Bao Yin, Minister Yuan Qin, Minister Yuan Zhao, Left Deputy Minister Lu Tong, Right Deputy Minister Yuan Hongchao, Examiner Liu Mao, Northern Guest Officer Yuan Zigong, Southern Guest Officer You Sijin, Three Dukes Officer Cui Hong, Chief of the Imperial Carriage Bureau, Xue Yue, Officer of the Department of Start, Du Yu, Left Guest Officer Yuan Wei, Cavalry Officer Fang Jingxian, External Military Officer Shi Shiji, Chief of the Right External Military, Zheng Youru, Capital Official Li Xiuzhi, Concurrent Left Scholar, Zhu Yuanxu, Finance Officer Gu Ying, Left Civil Officer Zhang Jun, Metal Department Officer Li Zhongdong, Warehouse Department Officer Jia Sitong, as well as National University Doctor Xue Zhen, Xing Yan, Gao Liang, Xi Yan, Doctor of the Grand Academy Xing Zhan, Cui Zan, Wei Fen, Zheng Jiqi, Assistant Teacher of the National University Han Shengu, Doctors of the Four Gates Yang Naluo, Tang Jingbao, Wang Lingjun, Wu Zhenzhi, Song Poluo, Liu Xie, Gao Xianyong, Du Lingjun, Zhang Wenhe, Chen Zhixian, Yang Kehou, Zhao Anqing, Jia Tiandu, Ai Senglan, Lü Taibao, Wang Dangbai, Huai Gui, and so on, a total of fifty people, gathered to discuss and said: "The Empress Dowager is currently in charge of the court and managing state affairs. She conducts sacrifices to heaven and earth and various ancestral rituals. Her carriage should match the emperor's and shouldn't be newly made. Although there are records in the 'Rites of Zhou' and some statements from the Wei and Jin periods, there is no clear description of the specific form of the carriage. Even if we want to follow the ancient system, it may not necessarily conform to it, and it cannot serve as a model for future generations. We find the views from the Tai Chang Temple and the National University questionable, so we have reconvened to discuss and refer to everyone's opinions, and we ultimately ask for your judgment." The Empress Dowager then said, "The outcomes of everyone's discussions can be executed as long as they mediate the opinions of all parties according to the suggestions in the memorial."
In the winter of the first year of the Tianxing era, the emperor ordered Dong Mi, the Yicao Lang, to draft the ceremonies for audience with the emperor, hosting banquets, and offering sacrifices at the suburbs and the state altars.
Six years later, the emperor ordered the relevant departments to formulate the system of ceremonial robes, with different grades of officials having different attire. At that time, there were numerous affairs at hand, leaving little time for detailed investigation, so many places violated ancient rituals.
Emperor Shizu was busy fighting everywhere and didn't have time for these matters. The social climate was rather coarse, and people mainly focused on practicality and convenience.
It wasn't until the Tahe era of Emperor Gaozu that a serious study of ancient texts began, and the system of ceremonial robes was established, with clear distinctions in attire for civil and military officials as well as palace concubines. However, even so, this work was not yet fully perfected.
During the reign of Emperor Suzong, he ordered Cui Guang, the Shizhong and Yitong San Si, along with renowned scholars in the court, to reconsider this matter together, and finally the provisions of the system were largely refined.
In September of the first year of the Xiping era, Cui Guang reported to the emperor: Your Majesty, you ordered the establishment of five different seasonal court robes, but since the capital was relocated to Luoyang, no such regulations have actually existed, so we kindly ask the officials of the Ministry of Rites to thoroughly examine this matter.
Cui Zan, a Doctor of the Imperial Academy, gave his opinion: in the Zhou Dynasty's "Zhou Li" and "Li Ji," three types of coronets and six types of crowns were recorded. They are used differently, the colors of jade objects are also different, and the matching accessories vary. It does not mention changing crowns according to the seasons of spring, summer, autumn, and winter. Thus, finding regulations for the five seasonal crowns in authoritative texts is challenging. Sima Biao's "Continuation of the Book of Han: Records of Carriages and Garments" and "Records of Sacrifices" recorded that starting from the Yongping period, when welcoming the sacrifices of the five suburbs, the colors of the clothing were determined according to the "Li Chen" and "Yueling." The practices from the Yuan Shi period were continued, and the sacrifices of the five suburbs were held in Luoyang. The book also states that the clothing and headwear worn during the five suburb sacrifices correspond to the seasons. The "Continuation of the Book of Han: Records of Rites" also records that on Lichun, the officials in the capital all wear blue clothes and blue headwear, and the colors of the clothes and headwear correspond to the seasons. From the Han Dynasty to the Wei and Jin Dynasties, when welcoming the sacrifices of the five suburbs, headwear was used to match the clothing, and the colors changed with the seasons. This rule has been consistently followed, but the crowns have remained unchanged. Now the Wei Dynasty inherits the system of the previous dynasty and adjusts it according to the actual situation. I believe it would be appropriate to continue the practice of matching headwear colors with clothing during the five seasonal ceremonies, as was done in the Han and Jin periods.
Empress Dowager Ling said: The Grand Tutor is well-versed and has a broad perspective. He has carefully studied the court etiquette before and is very knowledgeable about these matters. Let's have him ask around and finalize this issue.
In the second year of Xiping, in September, the Grand Preceptor, Prince Yi of Qinghe, and the Yellow Gate Attendant Wei Yanxiang submitted a report saying: According to previous instructions, we are to establish ceremonial clothing for the five daily court rituals. We have consulted the National University, asking them to explain the previous customs. Scholars including Cui Zan from the Imperial Academy believe that from the Han Dynasty to the Wei and Jin Dynasties, during the sacrificial ceremonies at the Five Suburbs, a headdress was used to match the clothing, with colors changing according to the season. This tradition has continued, while the style of headwear has remained the same. The Wei Dynasty inherits the customs of the previous dynasty and adjusts them according to the actual situation. Therefore, it is appropriate to continue using the colors of the headdress to match the clothing during the five daily court rituals, as was done during the Han and Jin periods. However, the Ministry of Rites believes that this practice lacks classical basis, so they have asked us to further study the matter. We were ordered to investigate this matter, and after careful consideration, we believe that the clothing system of emperors is a significant issue for future generations and should not be decided lightly. Therefore, we convened a total of 43 officials from the Secretariat and the Imperial Academy to examine historical records, compare past and present practices, and the result is consistent with the earlier advice from the National University, stating that the color of the headdress can change according to the clothing, but the headwear does not need to change. However, the scholars Wang Senqi and Jiang Yazhe believe that the headwear for the five daily court rituals should change along with the clothing. We think it would be best to follow the earlier advice from the National University. Empress Dowager Ling responded, "Then let’s go with that opinion."
