Sun Shao, courtesy name Shiqing, is from Changli. His family has served in the government under the Murong clan for generations. His grandfather Sun Zhi served in the court and died in office as the Prefect of Jiyang. His father, Sun Xie, courtesy name Wenhe, served as the Prefect of Shangdang. Sun Shao loved studying from a young age; he was well-versed in the classics, history, and literature, and also possessed a solid understanding of astronomy, calendars, and arithmetic. He began his career as a copyist, gradually rose through the ranks to become a Censor, later also served as the Director of the Imperial Guards, and eventually became the Minister of the Imperial Library. In matters of great importance to the court, he always dared to speak his mind and offer advice, regardless of whether it was right or wrong, which made him well-known. He also wrote a book titled "Explanations of the Classics"; although it was not particularly outstanding, it contained some valuable insights. He also collaborated with Chang Jing and others to revise the laws and regulations.
During the Yanchang period, Sun Shao submitted a memorial, in which he wrote: "I have heard that a country's construction requires rules and regulations; even in the face of danger, it can remain stable; good governance can foster harmony among the people, even with a small population, it can prosper; if governance contradicts human reason, even if it appears united, it will split; if actions miss the right timing, even if successful, it will fail. These principles have remained the same throughout history; they are the laws that all emperors of the past have followed. Our Great Wei Dynasty is blessed by the heavens, with prosperous fortune; it will last for seven hundred years. However, currently, the defenses of the gates of Er'guo are very lax; the city defenses of the North and South Second Capitals are also lacking; Chang'an and Ye are the backbone of the country, Rangcheng and Shangdang are the front and back of the country; the defense of these places is crucial. Military organization, division of generals, conscription and storage of food, transportation tools, strategic locations, mobilization of troops in emergencies, quelling rebellions, and saving expenses—all these should be carefully planned and arranged in order to consolidate our strong foundation. How can we ignore the principle that 'prosperity leads to decline'? Now is the time of peace and prosperity; we must be even more vigilant!"
First, the policy establishes the ranks of officials, but in reality, the hierarchy is unjust; although there are avenues for appeal, it is still very difficult for those of low status to seek justice. Both the literati and the common people feel indignant, and the soldiers are filled with resentment. Honest individuals go unappreciated by the people, while those in power are only concerned with their own interests, blurring the lines between truth and falsehood, knowingly committing offenses, with the powerful unhappy, while the powerless harbor even more resentment. Officials and common people appear equal on the surface, but in reality, there is a vast difference; in theory, they should serve equally, but their experiences of hardship and joy are completely different. Scholars feel no honor in serving as officials; soldiers endure great suffering and are filled with dissatisfaction. Therefore, many people simply abandon their original identities and flee to other places.
Some change their names and live incognito among the common people; some escape to the deep mountains and forests, relying on fishing and hunting for survival; some seek refuge with those in power, living under the roofs of others and depending on others for sustenance. There are also those who should relocate their household registration but pursue pleasure, wandering everywhere; those who should stay behind flee to warmer places to avoid the cold. The children of officials also wander around aimlessly, running from east to west, north to south, with no permanent home. Checkpoints and prohibitions have become nearly nonexistent, and people go wherever they please. There are countless such individuals. The state's enforcers are no longer in use, and various craftsmen have abandoned their trades. The plan to unify the country has not been put into action; the methods for assessing officials have also never been executed. These wandering individuals must be properly registered.
Now, strong enemies are lurking for an opportunity, the border ethnic minorities are also seeking chances, the domestic populace is dissatisfied, and the soldiers who have long guarded the border are also complaining. This situation is very similar to the Warring States period, and I believe it is extremely dangerous! The root cause of this chaos lies with the troops stationed at the northern border.
Speaking of it, when the country is unified, we should adopt the doctrine of moderation, which serves as the overarching strategy for governance; but when the world is in chaos, we must be flexible and adaptable, which is the expedient measure. Therefore, moral principles cannot remain unchanged for long and must be balanced with civil governance and military achievements; political tactics cannot always prevail but must be adaptable to changing circumstances to win people's hearts. Civil governance and military prowess must adapt to the times to ensure the stability of moral principles; political tactics change with the situation but still achieve their goals. Therefore, the strategy and methods of the emperor lie in resolving contradictions, being flexible and fair, assigning tasks according to abilities, and utilizing talents to their fullest.
Furthermore, during the reign of the late emperor, the laws and regulations were well established and enforced, but the decrees have yet to be issued for over ten years. I believe that decrees, like the emperor's will, are the cornerstone of the nation. They define the duties of officials, uphold the nation's order, harmonize the relationships between heaven, earth, and people, oversee the authority of the six ministries, regulate social customs, hold the authority of rewards and punishments, and are crucial to the operation of the country and the foundation of its legal system. Those who revise decrees are knowledgeable in ancient and modern affairs, basing their revisions on ancient systems, which are generally acceptable, varying in precision compared to previous decrees. However, those responsible for formulating decrees are too constrained by ancient systems. If we adhere strictly to ancient systems, even the laws of the founding emperor would need modification, and who would dare voice their opinions on right and wrong? Due to these disputes, the decrees remain undecided. However, laws and decrees complement each other and cannot rely solely on one. Currently, the laws are enforced, but the decrees are stagnant, causing significant obstacles in governance. Without issuing decrees, it's as if there is no legal framework in place, so how should subordinate officials conduct their affairs? We have tirelessly worked to revise the laws, yet our efforts go unnoticed. It's like farmers laboring in the fields, waiting until autumn to reap the harvest, their efforts unappreciated, feeling deeply frustrated!
Not long after, he was promoted and became the Governor of Jiyin. After his term ended, he returned to the court and successively held positions as the Minister of Personnel, Chief Military Clerk, and Colonel of Changshui. In the early years of the Zhengguang era, he also concurrently served as the Deputy Minister of the Imperial Secretariat and was dispatched on a diplomatic mission to Goryeo. Upon his return to the court, he was promoted to General of Zhenyuan and Right Army General. Eventually, he was appointed as the Commissioner for Grain Procurement in Xuzhou and Yanzhou, responsible for the purchase and distribution of food. Upon returning to the court, he informed the Emperor about the current advantages and disadvantages facing the country, but received no response.
Later, he submitted another memorial, which stated: "It is said that a combination of civil and military strengths is necessary to govern a country effectively; with the right timing, talents can be fully utilized, leading to a peaceful and prosperous nation where the people can live and work in peace. Your Majesty, since your ascension to the throne, you have been diligent in governance, and the court officials have been loyal and dedicated. The country has been peaceful, and it seemed that the ideal of governing with minimal intervention was about to be achieved. However, there are continuous rebellions in the northern desert region, disturbances in the Longyou region, and frequent unrest in the Central Plains. The people are discussing and questioning, why is this happening? It is because the court's policies are not understood, and the grievances of the people remain unaddressed. Though I may be foolish, I have seen the situation unfold firsthand. In the past, during my time in the capital, the country was under military rule, yet society was stable. Since the capital was moved to the capital, although there has been cultural prosperity, politics have become increasingly chaotic. Therefore, during the Taihe era, I repeatedly presented the advantages and disadvantages to Your Majesty, analyzing the thoughts and emotions of the people in detail. The Emperor at that time accepted my suggestions, and the records can be found. During the Yanchang and Zhengguang eras, I submitted memorials multiple times, which the relevant departments received but never responded to. The current situation is as I had predicted. There are rebellious forces in the southeast, and rebel armies in the northwest. How can this be resolved by blaming fate or others? I am not worried about the border wars now; what truly worries me is the safety of the capital area. Measures must be taken promptly to restore the people's confidence. If there is still hesitation, when the disturbances occur, it will endanger the court's rule, with unimaginable consequences. I have served the court for four generations, and the rise and fall of the country are closely related to me. However, the positions I have held are relatively idle, not involved in important affairs. I want to contribute to the country but cannot find the opportunity, feeling utterly powerless. The world is like a massive structure; once it tilts, it's hard to set it right. The country is currently in a critical situation, and as a court official, I am deeply troubled and can hardly eat or sleep. Thus, I present this heartfelt memorial, sincerely urging Your Majesty to consider my suggestions."
If I can take part in governance, provide counsel, suppress uprisings, and bring peace and stability to the realm, even if it costs me my life, I would do so gladly!
This guy, named Cui Shao, is quite straightforward. Every time he presented memorials to the emperor, he spoke with great sincerity and didn't care about offending anyone. However, he had a carefree attitude, and he spoke with a lot of ups and downs, so a lot of people looked down on him back then, and his suggestions were often disregarded. His older brother, Cui Shiyuan, passed away early; he was a great zheng player. Whenever Cui Shao heard the sound of the zheng, he couldn't help but cry like a baby and would quickly walk away, earning everyone's admiration for his deep brotherly affection.
Later, he was appointed as the General of the Brave Riders to take care of business in Tuyuhun. Upon returning, he became the Minister of the Household. One time during a court session, Empress Dowager Ling told him, "You’re getting on in years." Cui Shao immediately replied, "I may be old, but I’m still your subject, and you’re still young!" The empress dowager laughed at his response. After that, he was promoted to Right General and Grand Minister of the Interior.
On another occasion, Cui Shao and a large group of officials were attending court, waiting for dawn by the eastern palace gate, which had not yet opened. Cui Shao quietly pulled Xin Xiong, the Personnel Minister, aside and said to him, "These folks are gonna be dead soon; only you and I will be left to enjoy the good life." Xin Xiong was freaked out and totally lost. Not long after, the He Yin Incident happened, and many officials were killed.
Cui Shao was very skilled at predicting people's destinies, and many of his prophecies came true, which amazed those who knew about it. During the Jianyi period, he was appointed as the Junior Minister of the Guard while also retaining his position as a general. He was later promoted to the Grand Minister of the Golden and Purple. During the Yong'an period, he became the Minister of the Grand Treasury. Because he participated in the revision of the "Zhengguang Renzi Calendar," he was granted the title of Lord of Xinchang. During the Tai Chang period, he was further promoted to General of the Left Guard and the Right Grand Minister. He passed away in the second year of the Yongxi era at the age of sixty-nine. After his death, he was posthumously granted the title of Commander of Military Affairs for the three provinces of Jiying and Cang, General of Cavalry, Left Minister of the Secretariat, and Governor of Jizhou, with the posthumous title of Xuan.
His son Cui Boyuan inherited his title. After the Northern Qi usurpation, his title was downgraded according to regulations. Cui Boyuan's brother, Cui Shuli, reached the position of Right General of the Army and Grand Minister of the Central Secretariat. Cui Shao's cousin, Cui Yu, served as the Chief Historian of Jizhou. Cui Yu's brother, Cui Yi, styled Fenglun, passed the imperial examination during the Taihe period and gradually rose to the position of Infantry Captain, eventually passing away while serving as the Governor of Wuyi, after which he was posthumously named General of Conquering the Enemy and Governor of Yingzhou. Cui Borong was adopted by Cui Yu and served as the Governor during the Wuding period. Cui Borong's son, Cui Kuan, served as an Assistant in the Ministry of Agriculture.
Zhang Puhui, styled Hongzhan, was from the Nine Gates of Changshan. He was very tall, standing eight feet tall, and was quite robust. His father, Zhang Ye, was the magistrate of Zhongshui County in Qizhou. Zhang Puhui followed his father to the county, receiving education in Qi, where he diligently studied classical works. After returning to his hometown, he studied under Cheng Xuan, gaining proficiency in the "Three Rites," while also excelling in the "Spring and Autumn Annals." He broadly explored various other philosophical schools, earning high praise from numerous Confucian scholars.
In the nineteenth year of Taihe, he became Chief Scribe, while also serving as the supervisor of the Bureau of Manufacture, together with Liu Taofu, Shi Rong, and Liu Daobin, and was highly regarded by Emperor Gaozu. He was later promoted to the position of Shangshu Duling Shi. Prince Rencheng held his knowledge and reputation in high regard. Li Chong, the Shangshu Pushe, once visited Prince Rencheng, listened to Zhang Puhui, and also thought very highly of him. In the early days of Emperor Shizong's reign, Zhang Puhui was promoted to the rank of Jishe General. After Prince Rencheng was appointed General of Anxi and Governor of Yongzhou, he recommended Zhang Puhui for the position of military secretary, and shortly thereafter, he assigned him to Fengyi County to manage affairs.
Lord Cheng is unwell and wishes to organize a horse archery competition for civil and military officials in the North Garden on the seventh day of the seventh month. Puhui submitted a memorial to Lord Cheng, saying: "I have heard that in ancient times, it was stipulated that the killing of a close relative within three generations required mourning; within five degrees of kinship, the levels of mourning attire vary. This is because the severity of the situation varies, and so do the mourning rituals. However, the greatest sorrow is the death of a close relative; the grief recorded in books is all reflected in the funeral rites. The external mourning attire must have a time limit, so it is set for three years; the internal mourning attire cannot be removed quickly, so they must be determined according to the length of time. The 'Book of Rites' states that on the day of a grand funeral, a plain zither should be played to signify auspiciousness. For mourning garments of small merit and above, if there are no ceremonies such as the Yu and Fu sacrifices and the cleansing ritual, one cannot bathe, as this is to adhere to the system. Zengzi asked Confucius: 'If someone I know dies, can I participate in the sacrifices?' Confucius said: 'If one does not even remove the coarse mourning garments, how can one help others? If one cannot participate in sacrifices, let alone banquets.' He further inquired: 'If I remove the mourning garments, can I participate in the gift-giving and offering of wine?' Confucius said: 'Removing the mourning garments to participate in offering wine does not comply with the rites.' The commentary states: 'This is because it would make one forget their grief.' I believe that at the beginning of mourning, one should not participate in gift-giving and offering wine, and during the period of small merit, one should not watch archery competitions. The 'Book of Rites: Miscellaneous Records' states: 'For mourning garments of small merit and below, after the funeral, the deceased's relatives may eat the sacrificial food, while those outside the family cannot eat.' If even eating requires consideration of kinship, how much more so does watching an archery competition? I humbly request your wise judgment to set the deadline for the archery competition to two seven-day periods, gathering the civil and military officials in the city to practice martial arts in the North Garden and conduct rituals in the central hall. This is not the season for a grand review, and it is also the busy farming season; the state has just completed mourning, and Your Highness is also in mourning. Holding entertainment activities at this time to educate the people would go against the teachings of the former kings, forgetting the sorrow, which is likely not a way to demonstrate your virtue or teach future generations. According to the 'Archery Ritual,' archery is based on rites and music; if one forgets the rites and music and goes to shoot arrows, it cannot be said to comply with the rites; if there are no bells and drums, it cannot be said to comply with the music. Without these two elements, what significance does archery have? Moreover, the entertainment activities on the seventh day of the seventh month are not stipulated by the court; Ban Lao's actions may likely violate the rites. With the national treasury empty, it would be better to wait until new taxes come in before discussing it. Such entertainment activities should be postponed. I respectfully request that after September, when all preparations are complete, the 'Li Shou' music should be performed, the orders of Jue Xiang are proclaimed, flags are hung, and the cloud chimes are sounded to cheer the people. I hope you will be compassionate and wise, bestowing grace upon the people. Your actions and words set the standard for the people. I hope you will seek opinions widely, adopt my suggestions, understand my humble views, and tolerate my candid words. Then, even humble opinions will be welcomed, encouraging the people to share their suggestions enthusiastically."
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Lord Cheng accepted his suggestion, refused, saying he was unwell, and canceled the archery competition. He then responded, "The principles of civil and military affairs have had established rules since ancient times; teaching shame and training for battle has been common sense for ages. Although it is not currently a court regulation, our province has followed past practices and has already engaged in such activities, which doesn’t add to the people's burden or hurt public interests. It is merely private archery; what's the problem with that? Moreover, learning literature and martial arts is something people commonly do; does it require an edict from the court in these everyday matters? I just want to stick to the old practices of the provincial government, using my free time to choose an auspicious day to practice martial arts, and I never said I would use the treasury's funds. The Book of Rites states that after the mourning period between brothers is over, it signifies that the mourning is over; during a minor mourning period, when guests arrive, the host can keep playing music. If listening to music is acceptable, then what’s wrong with watching martial arts? We only need to cancel because of the circumstances, so I had to issue an order to stop first, which led to this request. I have explained my thoughts in detail."
While serving as an official in Yangzhou, Lord Cheng promoted Pu Hui to the position of chief scribe for the General of the Southern Town, and later elevated Pu Hui's rank to General Wei Yuan. Pu Hui, appreciated by Lord Cheng, served in two different garrisons and gained a good reputation. When Pu Hui returned to the capital, he dressed quite simply, and Lord Cheng gifted him twenty pieces of silk for travel expenses. After returning to the capital, Pu Hui continued his service in the imperial guards.
Later, Lord Cheng was saddened by the death of the Empress Dowager, and the court ministers wanted to erect a stele to praise her. The inscription was supposed to read "Stele of Princess Kang," so Lord Cheng went to ask for Pu Hui's opinion. Pu Hui replied, "I carefully consulted the court classics and found that there is only the title 'Princess' and no mention of 'Empress.' Lady Lu, the wife of Meng Zi, is called 'Empress' in contrast to 'Consort.' The late Empress Dowager is the legitimate wife of the late king, so there is no need to worry about terms like 'Consort' or 'Second Wife.' I don't think it's necessary to use the term 'Empress' to differentiate status. Also, when a person is alive, their title is based on their family name. The 'Spring and Autumn Annals' mentions 'Lady Jiang of Qi.' After someone passes away, their title is derived from their posthumous name and family name. The 'Book of Documents' mentions 'Lady Wen of Xiajun' and 'Lady Cheng of Laigui,' all using posthumous names with family names. In ancient times, a woman's posthumous name was based on her husband's posthumous name, but the late Empress Dowager was known for her unparalleled virtue, so the Emperor specially bestowed her with a posthumous name. This is a momentous event for all time. How could we not honor her as 'Liyi' just because of naming conventions?" Lord Cheng followed Pu Hui's advice.
When the imperial army was dispatched to attack Zhongli again, Puhui served as the chief aide to General Anle Wang Quan. After the war ended, Puhui was appointed as General Yanglie and Sima of Anbei Prefecture in Xiangzhou, and later promoted to Captain of Infantry, while also concurrently serving as Deputy Governor of Henan. After Emperor Shizong passed away, Puhui was dismissed from his position for drinking and socializing with Zhen Kai and others. General Diao Zheng had a family tradition of frugal burial, and Puhui considered his actions to be overly pretentious, even writing a letter to debate with him; this incident is documented in the "Biography of Diao Yong." According to regulations, those dismissed from office are demoted one rank after three years before being reappointed; however, if they are exceptionally talented and are specially promoted, this restriction does not apply. During the Xiping period, Minister of Personnel Li Shao submitted a memorial stating that Puhui had talent and should be promoted outside the usual ranks because of his exceptional abilities. Consequently, the court appointed Puhui as General Ningyuan and Military Advisor to the Minister of Works. The entire court viewed not being demoted while being promoted as an honor. At that time, Wang Cheng, the King of Cheng, was serving as Minister of Works, and many of the documents he submitted were written by Puhui. The Kings of Guangling and Beihai questioned whether their grandmother's mourning period should last three years; the scholars argued that it should not, so the emperor convened a discussion on the matter.
Pu Hui said: "I carefully reviewed the classics, and the grandmothers of the two princes were both conferred by the late emperor, serving as the empress dowagers of two countries; one could say they were mothers honored by the emperor. 'Mourning Attire' specifies that 'a benevolent mother is like a biological mother,' and the three-year mourning period is specified in this section. 'The Book of Rites' states: 'This is the command of an esteemed father.' Zheng Xuan's notes state: 'If a concubine of a nobleman gives birth to a daughter, and the father is still alive, the daughter should observe mourning for her mother; if the father has passed away, then she may observe a three-year mourning period.' The requirement for a concubine's daughter to mourn for her mother is considered the command of an esteemed father, requiring a three-year mourning period. How could it not be appropriate for the sons of the emperor, who were conferred as rulers of vassal states, and their mothers who were conferred as empress dowagers, to observe mourning for their mothers, just like a prince would for his mother? This inversion of significance is utterly unreasonable. 'The Book of Rites' also states: 'Newly enfeoffed princes do not serve under their paternal relatives'; therefore, the mourning period should be established based on kinship. For vassal states like Lu and Wei, the mourning periods are the same among them, this is without a doubt. How can this be proven? 'Mourning Attire' states: 'The aunts and sisters of the princes marry the rulers of the states,' and 'The Book of Rites' explains: 'Why is this a great mourning? Because of the equal nobility! With equal nobility, mourning can be observed based on kinship. The sons of nobles are referred to as 'princes,' and princes cannot perform ancestral sacrifices.' Therefore, brothers are considered as one entity, ranked as princes, and due to equal nobility, they can observe mourning for each other, rather than following the standards of princes, which are distant from the emperor's standards. Therefore, there are four levels of hierarchy, with monarchs and nobles being determined by rank, and princes and the sons of nobles being determined by proximity. With different statuses, how can they be mixed up? 'The Book of Rites' states: the daughter of a nobleman's concubine, treated as a biological daughter due to the father's command, can observe a three-year mourning period. Since the empress dowagers were conferred by the late emperor, bringing glory to the ancestors and benefiting the nation, the two princes were granted land and titles in a large state; they should observe mourning based on the standard of equal nobility, rather than that of a prince. Even if the states of Xu and Cai lost their rulership, this reasoning does not apply. 'The Inquiry on Mourning' states: 'In cases where the mourning period is to be increased, such as when a prince's wife mourns for the empress dowager.' Although the prince is distant, his wife can still observe a three-year mourning period, so how much more should the Prince of Guangling and the Prince of Beihai, in terms of their enfeoffment as the sons of nobles and their mothers being the granddaughters conferred as consorts, observe mourning for their mothers based on legitimate succession and their distant relationship to the late emperor, compared to mourning for the empress dowager? The current provision allowing only one year of mourning, when three years is warranted, is absurd in comparison to mourning for a benevolent mother. 'The Classic' states: 'For the grandparents, parents, wife, and eldest son of the monarch'; 'The Book of Rites' explains: 'Why is it one year? Parents and eldest son observe deep mourning for the monarch, while the wife observes minor mourning. After the father's passing, then mourning for the grandparents should be observed.' Now the grandmothers are the Empress Xianwen; vassals cannot perform sacrifices for him, and the mothers are the empress dowagers; this is the justification for the two princes to observe a three-year mourning period. Those who oppose this nearly stray from the traditional classics and attach irrelevant reasoning, missing the mark by a mile. Furthermore, the emperor's status is noble, akin to the heavens; there is no one who is not under his rule. Why then confer her as the mother of the nation, yet not allow her son to observe mourning based on kinship? 'The Book of Rites' states: 'Once the object of mourning has passed, the mourning ends.' It also states: 'If one does not observe mourning for the mother of the monarch, then one should observe mourning for one's own mother.' Now that the object of mourning has passed, if mourning is not observed based on kinship for one's biological mother, then what exactly is the object of mourning? If the kings are treated as officials, just like nobles, then the current discussion does not need to involve state affairs. The current kings, akin to the rulers of vassal states, although they do not govern the country, have officials and enjoy the offerings of one territory; they cannot be called princes. I firmly advocate for a three-year mourning period in accordance with 'The Zhou Rites'."
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At that time, those involved in the discussion had different opinions. Li Yu, a scholar from the Imperial Academy, wrote a letter to refute Puhui after the discussion ended. Puhui responded citing the "Book of Rites," and responded solemnly three times, ultimately refuting Li Yu's argument. Puhui was promoted to Advisor. Cheng said to Puhui, "I'm not unhappy that you became an Advisor; I'm just glad it's you."
Empress Ling's father, Minister Hu Guozhen, passed away, and the Emperor posthumously honored him as Prime Minister and Grand Duke of Qin. Puhui thought that no previous empress's father had ever received the title "Grand Duke," so he quickly submitted a memorial to the Emperor, stating that this was inappropriate. At that time, everyone in the palace was quite fearful, and no one dared to submit his memorial.
Later, it was reported that while the Hu family was digging the grave, they came across a large rock below. Puhui secretly wrote a memorial saying: "I have heard that noble titles and thrones are bestowed by the Emperor to honor meritorious ministers; filial piety is a duty of subjects. Merits and titles should align to be remembered in history. Upon careful reflection, the late Minister Hu, who was known for his righteousness, gave birth to a wise son and raised the current Emperor, embodying maternal virtue and assisting the Emperor, can be considered wise. The Emperor has already honored him with the Nine Honors and the royal regalia, showing his deep affection for the Empress Dowager, which is more than enough to recognize his contributions. Why do we need to add the title 'Grand Duke'?"
I feel that the title "Taishang" is inappropriate. Why? The Book of Changes says: "Heaven is exalted, and the earth is humble; thus, the universe is set." It also states, "Great is the Qian (Heaven) principle," and "Most esteemed is the Kun (Earth) principle," meaning that heaven and earth cannot both be great at the same time. The Book of Rites states: "Heaven has no two suns, and the earth has no two kings. When offering sacrifices to the suburbs and the community, there should be no two exalted ones." This means that the sovereign and the subjects cannot both be honored at the same time. Now the imperial edict states that the Grand Minister is to be titled Taishang Duke of Qin, while the Empress Dowager is to be titled Taishang Lord of Qin. The Empress Dowager received her title first, followed by the Grand Minister; this is already quite an honor.
Emperor Gaozu became emperor by accepting the abdication of Emperor Xianwen, which is why he respectfully refers to Emperor Xianwen as Taishang Huang (Exalted Emperor). This title exists because of the exalted position above. Now the Empress Dowager issues an edict, presumably intending to follow the principle of the Three Obediences, but this is quite different from Wenmu's actions and is also similar to the situation described in "Ten Disorders." Therefore, for the Grand Minister to be referred to as "Taishang" may contradict the meaning of the edict. The Spring and Autumn Annals states: "At a funeral, one should address as 'Duke,' and ministers should not add other titles." The Book of Documents states: "Now I shall offer a great feast to the former kings; may your ancestors partake in it." The Grand Minister's position is esteemed and should be honored alongside the emperors of the previous dynasty; if he is called "Taishang" and required to serve the Taishang Huang, it likely goes against the original intention of the Grand Minister.
Liu Bang, the Emperor Gaozu, has taken the throne, and he affectionately calls his father "Taishang Huang" (Grand Emperor) and his mother "Zhaoling Hou" (Empress Zhaoling), which are all appropriate titles for an emperor. However, that "young Marquis" from the Jin Dynasty has the audacity to use titles nearly identical to the emperor's; this is nothing short of usurpation! The Minister of Works is one of the Three Officials, and no matter how high his status, how can he have the same title as the emperor? Confucius said, "We must ensure proper distinctions; if names are incorrect, words will not flow; if words do not flow, affairs will not succeed; if affairs do not succeed, rites and music will not thrive; if rites and music do not thrive, the people will struggle to live." The Book of Changes also states, "Excessive prosperity cannot last indefinitely, so one must be humble and cautious." "Humility leads to glory, and a lowly position should not be overstepped." "The principle of the heavenly way is that extreme prosperity inevitably leads to decline, followed by a return to humility; the principle of the earthly way is the same; even spirits and deities dislike extreme prosperity and favor humility; in the human world, extreme prosperity is also disliked, and humility is favored." The Book of Changes further states, "Those in high positions will eventually fall to lower ones, so one must understand humility and caution." The outcome of this divination suggests that fortunes are uncertain, yet the interpretations were carelessly altered, leaving everyone in deep sorrow; perhaps this serves as a warning from heaven, reminding us to remain tranquil and wise.
I hope that Your Majesty can see with clarity like the sun and the moon, and carefully consider my humble request. Please do not allow the Minister of Works to use titles similar to that of the Emperor; let him use a humble title instead, so that he may learn from the lesson of the instability of high positions and gain the blessings that humility brings. This way, the common people will be immensely grateful. I have heard that in times of disaster, one should cultivate virtue, and then the disaster can turn into a blessing. It was for this reason that Tai Wu prospered during the Yin and Shang dynasties, while Sang Gu perished because they did not do so. Moreover, as we are about to relocate the capital, this is indeed a time for reform. I believe that noble titles should not be used casually; otherwise, it will create a historical laughingstock and incur a grievous sin. Furthermore, there is a clear distinction between ruler and subject; you have already paid respects to the Minister of Works three times, which is more than enough courtesy. Although the Minister of Works is your father, he is ultimately just a subject. No matter how noble the children may be, they cannot surpass their parents, especially since you are the mother of the realm and should prioritize righteousness, not let personal feelings violate propriety. Thus, it is said, "A woman with conduct distances herself from her parents and brothers." Moreover, you are the holy queen who bears the earth and carries the mandate of heaven. You should not go to pay respects at the Minister of Works' spirit tablet or travel back and forth between the outskirts and the graveyard day and night. Even if you miss him dearly, you should exercise restraint. By leaving the solemn palace and exhausting yourself on the road, it may also worry countless common people.
I hope you can follow the example in "Zai Chi" of not returning to the palace, maintaining a serene demeanor, so that the grass and trees can flourish and the people can live in peace. As your advisor, I have taken the liberty to offer my thoughts; if there is anything inappropriate, please forgive me. I dare not hold anything back as I risk presenting this to you, and I earnestly request you to review it and understand my loyalty. If I could have the honor of your audience to fully express my foolish views, I would gladly accept death.
After the empress dowager read the memorial, she personally went to Zhang Puhui's house and summoned the royal ministers, eight high-ranking officials, qingyin (another term for senior officials), and officials of fifth rank or higher to discuss the matter. She also sent someone to summon Zhang Puhui and questioned him face to face, while having the attendant Yuan Cha and the eunuch Jia Can supervise on the side to observe the situation. Prince Rencheng Cheng asked Zhang Puhui, "When Emperor Han Gaozu became emperor, he honored his father as the emeritus emperor. Now that the empress dowager is in charge of the court, she wants to posthumously honor her father as the Duke Emeritus, which has historical precedent and is reasonable. Furthermore, the suggestion you made doesn’t have to adhere strictly to old rules, does it?" Zhang Puhui replied, "There's a key difference between an emperor issuing an edict and an empress dowager issuing a command. In the history of the Zhou Dynasty, there were ten instances of chaos caused by ministers issuing commands without authorization, including examples of empress dowagers intervening. I have carefully considered this matter and feel that it is not quite appropriate." Cheng said, "There have been cases in the past where empress dowagers issued edicts. The empress dowager just wanted to be modest, so she did not issue an edict. Why do you insist on distinguishing between edicts and commands, and overlook the filial piety of honoring one's father?" Zhang Puhui replied, "There has never been a case in history of posthumously honoring a father as the emeritus emperor. Did the previous empress dowagers not want to honor their relatives? Why do you not refer to ancient principles and instead cater to present intentions? Why is the empress dowager modest in issuing edicts but not modest in the title of Duke Emeritus? I hope the empress dowager can always maintain the virtue of humility." The grand tutor and Prince Qinghe Yi said, "During the Eastern Jin period, when the women of the Chu family were in charge of the court, Yin Hao wrote to Chu Piao saying 'You are now the emeritus emperor,' let alone being honored as the Duke Emeritus, what’s there to doubt?" Zhang Puhui said, "Chu Piao declined to attend court because his daughter was assisting in governance, and he was criticized for being disrespectful, hence the ironic meaning of 'emeritus.' The records only criticize him, with no praises at all. Please do not use this to embarrass me."
The Minister of Ceremonies, Cui Guang, said: "The reference to 'Xiaozi Hou' in Zhang Puhui's memorial is from Zheng Xuan's commentary on the Jin Dynasty, which is not considered a serious argument." Zhang Puhui replied: "Although it may not be a serious argument, the meaning expressed is correct. Since you are so fond of ancient classics and rituals, why do you have to give me a hard time about this?" The Imperial Censor, Yuan Kuang, then said to Cui Guang: "In Zhang Puhui's memorial, the title 'Xiaozi Hou' of the Jin Dynasty is similar to the title usurped by the emperor. Now, the title 'Taishang Gong' is similar to 'Taishang Huang', akin to the situation of 'Xiaozi Hou' in the Jin Dynasty. I just don’t get it and don’t want to risk saying what's right or wrong." Zhang Puhui said: "Since you doubt that it is correct and do not correct the mistake, how can we expect you to see things clearly?" The Minister of Personnel, Cui Liang, said: "The Councillor's main point is that the title 'Taishang' shouldn't be used for subjects. However, in the Zhou Dynasty, there was Taigong Shangfu, who also used these two titles. The noble title for subjects isn't something new." Zhang Puhui replied: "'Shangfu' is respected because of his virtue; 'Taishang' means supreme. Although the names are similar, the meanings are different and shouldn't be mixed up." Cui Liang continued: "In ancient times, there were King Wen, King Wu, as well as Wenzi and Wuzi. So, what's wrong with 'Taishang Huang' and 'Taishang Gong' being the same?" Zhang Puhui said: "King Wen and King Wu are embodiments of moral behavior, so their actions are the same, and their posthumous titles are also the same. 'Taishang' signifies the highest position, so how can it just be thrown around for subjects?" The Court Officer, Yuan Fan, said: "In the 'Zhou Rites', it is said that the Shang Gong has nine lives, while the Shang Daifu has four lives. Even though the numbers are different, they’re both called 'Shang', so why does 'Shang' always have to be the highest?"
Zhang Puhui sternly rebuked Yuan Fan, saying, "In the system of etiquette, there is a distinction between lower officials and higher officials, not just between nobles and dukes! The current situation is that using 'Grand Supreme' to address, along with both titles together, certainly does not signify the highest rank. I might begrudgingly accept minor skills, but when it comes to matters of great significance, it is not something you can understand!" Yuan Fan felt ashamed and did not say a word.
Prince Rencheng said, "The original intention of remonstrance is to express one's own opinions, and whether to accept it or not depends on weighing the pros and cons. Was your tone too harsh in responding to Yuan Fan just now?" Zhang Puhui replied, "If my words are correct, they should be accepted; if my words are wrong, I am afraid of punishment. Right and wrong must be clearly distinguished; I’m not here to win arguments."
Rencheng said, "The court is now advocating openness and honesty, opening the door for honest advice. You are now wholeheartedly devoted to righteousness; why are you still worried about punishment?" Everyone believed that the Empress Dowager was in power, and the ministers tended to be obedient, so they reported, "While Zhang Puhui's words are forceful, we disagree with his perspective. We have already worked hard; please follow the previous decree." The Empress Dowager then sent Yuan Cha and Jia Can to convey the order to Zhang Puhui, saying, "I summoned you and the ministers to discuss, and after the discussion, no one agreed with your opinion. My actions reflect those of a dutiful son; the opinions you raised are the duties of a loyal minister. The ministers have made a decision; you can't make me change my mind. If you have any thoughts in the future, don’t bring them up so forcefully again." Zhang Puhui then thanked and left.
At first, Puhui was summoned by the emperor, and the courier rode swiftly. By the time he arrived, Puhui's sons were so frightened that they cried and wailed. Puhui comforted them, saying, "I serve as an advisor during this flourishing time. If I do not dare to speak what should be said, or advise on matters that should be advised, then I would merely be a sycophantic official. Everyone has to die eventually; if I can die for a just cause, what is there to regret? Moreover, the court is on the right track, so you need not worry." After everything was settled, the emperor rewarded him and allowed him to return home to rest, where his friends and family gathered to congratulate him. Around this time, Zhongshan Zhuangbi wrote him a letter, which said: "Lord Ming, you are wise and talented, embodying integrity and fairness in your role as an advisor, daring to speak frankly and criticize. Recently, you argued your case before Hu Situ and others. Although they were aggressive, you responded with ease and confidence, like the banners of Song City just unfurled and the drum of Lu Men just sounded, ultimately rendering those ministers speechless. Even though you haven't been appointed to a high position yet, your reputation will be remembered for generations. I have heard of this matter and greatly admire you, so I am writing to express my respect." Puhui was very fond of this letter and often took it out to read. Puhui believed the court's taxes on cotton and hemp were excessive, putting an undue burden on the common folk, so he wrote a memorial to the emperor. The memorial stated:
"I heard that the Minister of Works has requested the restoration of cotton and hemp collection, claiming it adheres to the old practices established by the late Emperor. I have been thinking about it repeatedly at night, feeling both happy and conflicted. I am happy because this restores the founding Emperor's old practices, in line with the new policies; conflicted because some old practices can be restored, while others cannot, which contradicts legal principles. The founding Emperor abolished the use of large measures, long measures, and heavy scales, reducing taxes to safeguard the well-being of the people. I understand the need for cotton and hemp for the military and the state, so I believe that in the process of collecting cotton and hemp, the millions of citizens should also benefit from this collection. Therefore, it is stipulated that for every piece of silk, eight liang of cotton must be taxed, and for every piece of cloth, fifteen jin of hemp must be taxed. The people felt uneasy about the collection of cotton and hemp because they had been relieved of taxes due to the abolition of large measures, long measures, and heavy scales. Therefore, they could only perform their duties through song and dance, rushing to serve. The Emperor is trusted above, and the common people below feel content. The Book of Changes says: 'Use joy to command the people, and they will forget their toil.' This is the principle behind it."
"Since then, cotton cloth has become increasingly burdensome, and the common people have been complaining. This issue has circulated both within and beyond the court. I think, when the Empress Dowager was not in power, and you, Emperor, were still a crown prince, those ministers did not fundamentally solve the problem. They knew that the common people were very resentful towards cotton cloth, but they did not carefully check the width, length, weight, and capacity of the cotton cloth, making necessary changes and preserving what needed to be preserved. Instead, they relaxed the specifications of cotton cloth, attempting to appease the common people. What do you call this? Attempting to please the common people without following the right path, therefore, I believe this approach is flawed."
Since the Grand Secretary knows that the country is running low on cotton cloth, he doesn't consider addressing it according to the law, nor is he afraid of the people's criticism. He actually wants to overturn the country's major policies, abandon already issued decrees, denying the past and jeopardizing the future, and request the restoration of the original specifications of cotton cloth to meet the country's needs. Doesn't he realize that there's plenty of cotton cloth in the national treasury, but it's all secretly hidden away by officials? I believe this matter has not been handled properly. Why? Now, those in the palace need cotton cloth for making clothes, so they have to measure the size and weight. For silk, each piece has a specified size; a little extra is not considered a mistake. For silk cotton, a pound is also allowed to have a few grams of error, and I've never heard of local officials being punished for this. If a piece of cloth falls short in size, or if a pound of silk cotton is underweight, the homeowner could be whipped, implicating higher officials. Isn't this encouraging corruption among the people? Now, when officials receive their salaries, they prefer them to be generous and hefty, without any standards to follow. If they receive generous and hefty ones, they claim that the states and counties they govern can offer good things, claiming that the cloth is thin and long, boasting everywhere, and misleading the emperor's judgment. I've never heard of anyone complaining that the cloth is too wide or too large, let alone voluntarily returning the excess to the government. This is where the officials fail to live up to the expectations of the wise emperor!
If we are to restore the original specifications for cotton fabric, we should first inform everyone of the reasons, impose strict regulations, restore the original dimensions, reestablish the standards for cotton fabric, and enforce them based on the tax standards from the Taihe era. Regarding the fabrics and silks in the warehouses that fail to meet the standards, please dispatch a Minister, the Minister of the Imperial Household, and the Treasurers of the Left and Right to assess their weight and dimensions using official standards and scales, and convert them into salaries for distribution to officials. Sum all the salaries, and based on the salaries for a thousand people, use fabrics and silks to offset them, which should be sufficient for one year. Make it known to all the intentions of the two emperors, who love the people as their own children and uphold the laws, so that the nation can thrive as it did under the founding emperor, enjoy longevity like a mythical tortoise, and the glow of their kindness and trust will illuminate generations; who could possibly be unhappy? I humbly beseech Your Majesty to recognize the loyalty of your subjects and to comfort the hearts of the people.
The memorial states that the emperor approved the days when he requested an audience. Since then, he has been meeting with the emperor once a month. He also submitted a memorial criticizing Emperor Suzong for not personally participating in court meetings, placing excessive emphasis on Buddhism, and delegating most of the ancestral temple rituals to subordinate officials. The memorial wrote: "I have heard that King Cheng of the Shang dynasty valued virtue and was devoted to sacrifices, which enabled his dynasty to endure for six hundred years; Confucius praised Duke Zhou for being as rigorous as a father assisting the Son of Heaven, emulating Heaven. Thus, the incense offerings ascended to the heavenly court, and blessings continued for future generations. Your Majesty, having ascended the throne with clarity and insight, both Heaven and Earth have high hopes for you, while all the gods are looking forward to it. Therefore, you should prioritize the rituals of sacrifice to maintain order. However, Your Majesty, you do not attend the sacrificial ceremonies at the Ming Hall and have delegated many of the sacrifices at the ancestral shrines to subordinate officials. Instead, you engage in archery, visit gardens, and indulge in horse riding and entertainment; these actions do not align with the established protocols, so how can they be considered the actions of a solemn and dignified emperor? Is this not accumulating bad karma and draining the people's wealth? You reduce the salaries of the officials while supporting idle monks; you build magnificent palaces while hoping for illusory rewards. Faithful ministers kneel outside the palace, while those monks enjoy themselves inside. This violates propriety and is inappropriate, causing the hearts of the people to be unsettled. I believe that rather than chasing after illusory rewards, it is better to first bring joy to the masses and fulfill filial piety towards ancestors, so that the world can be peaceful and disasters will not occur. I hope Your Majesty will carefully adhere to the rituals, become a model for all nations, personally participate in the sacrifices at the ancestral shrines, attend the ceremonies of the new moon and full moon, diligently carry out the sacrificial rites, manage the fields with diligence, rise early and sleep late, and sincerely offer sacrifices. Filial piety and brotherly love can resonate with the divine, and moral education can illuminate the four seas; thus, your personal happiness can bring benefits to all the people. Then, further cultivate the teachings of Buddhism, sincerely believe in the Tathagata. The teachings penetrate deeply into people's hearts through education, so all troubles can be eliminated; the Dharma accumulates through rituals, allowing one to reach the other shore. Excessive luxury spending in temples should be curtailed, and the long-reduced salaries of officials should be restored. Ongoing projects should be simplified in their completion; future projects should be temporarily halted, maintaining the current state is acceptable, why must there be renovations? Only then can expenses be saved, and the people cared for, benefiting both law and customs. My understanding is limited, and my words may be inappropriate, but I am concerned about national matters and cannot remain silent."
""
Soon, the emperor ordered the memorials be submitted to the relevant departments for discussion on the funeral rites. The historian reported that there was a solar eclipse, so the emperor ordered the morning court to be adjourned. Puhui believed this was improper, so he wrote a memorial to the emperor to explain the situation. He also submitted a memorial on the successes and failures of current politics.
First, it is crucial to carefully establish laws, standardize weights and measures, adjust taxes, and reduce corvee. Second, it is necessary to actively seek public opinion, investigate and handle unjust cases, and if any of the old systems left by the previous emperor are harmful to current affairs, they must all be modified. Third, it is important to promote honest and loyal individuals, dismiss incompetent individuals, firmly appoint talented individuals, and decisively remove corrupt officials. Fourth, it is important to restore fallen countries, continue broken family lines, and ensure the well-being of the descendants of meritorious officials.
After the memorials were submitted, Emperor Suzong and Empress Dowager Ling invited Puhui to the Xuanguang Hall to discuss the contents of the memorials in detail, and the discussion lasted for a long time. The emperor said, "Do you mean to overturn and modify all the decrees of the previous emperor?" Puhui found himself momentarily speechless. The emperor then said, "It seems you wish to advise, but because there are others present, you dare not speak directly. I will now have the attendants withdraw, so go ahead and say everything you want to say." Puhui replied, "A sage cherishes the people as he does his own body. Moreover, you both have inherited a great responsibility; wives inherit their husbands' legacies, sons inherit their fathers' legacies. If the actions of husbands and fathers were wrong, but are still being carried out as before, how can this be seen as the true intention of the previous emperor? Upon careful consideration of the actions of the previous emperor, some may have been mistakes by officials, some may have been expedient measures, but those that are now deemed unacceptable must be examined and rectified. Your Majesty seems to have forgotten the previous emperor's spirit of self-renewal, disregarding whether the actions are right or wrong and suppressing them all. How can this be the virtuous governance the people desire?"
The Empress Dowager said, "Isn't it too troublesome to change every little thing?" Puhui replied, "The Emperor cares for the people just like a loving mother cares for her children. Right now, the people are in danger and suffering greatly, yet we're not helping them just because it's troublesome. How can this be what they expect from their loving mother?" The Empress Dowager said, "Do the common people really suffer this much?" Puhui said, "There is no one closer than the Grand Tutor, King of Pengcheng, yet he died unjustly. How can there be no small sufferings?" The Empress Dowager said, "I've already given titles to his three sons; what else is there to say?" Puhui said, "Your granting titles to King Pengcheng's three sons has earned you praise for your kindness; everyone knows you are a loving mother. The reason I'm bringing this up again is that for all these unjust cases, we hope the Emperor can see clearly." The Empress Dowager said, "You just mentioned 'the rise and fall of nations, the continuation and severance of bloodlines'; which nation has fallen and which bloodline has been cut off?" Puhui said, "After the King of Huainan rebelled, Emperor Wen of Han still granted titles to his four sons, because familial bonds shouldn't be ignored; kinship is fundamental. I personally believe that the former Grand Marshal, King of Xianyang, and the Governor of Jizhou, King of Jingzhao, are both royal descendants. They were exiled due to their faults and were not properly buried after death; doesn't that go against the principle of rise and fall, and the continuation or severance of bloodlines? I earnestly request the burial of these two princes and the granting of titles to their descendants; this is my wish." The Empress Dowager said, "What you’re saying makes sense; I completely agree and will ask the officials to discuss this widely."
Wang Cheng, the Prince of Rencheng, has passed away. Puhui, having served under Wang Cheng, was deeply grateful for his kindness, so he would go to pay his respects on every new moon and full moon (the first and fifteenth day of the month), only returning after the mourning rituals were completed. No matter the weather, be it wind, rain, extreme cold, or scorching heat, he went without fail. Earlier, Wang Cheng highly regarded Puhui and, before his death, recommended him for the position of Right Chancellor of the Ministry of Personnel. The Empress Dowager, deeply saddened by Wang Cheng's death, approved the recommendation after reading it. Once the imperial decree was issued, the officials in the Ministry of Personnel began to murmur among themselves. They believed Puhui, due to his humble background, should not hold such an important position, so they privately agreed to collaboratively block Puhui from taking office in the Ministry. They debated for several days before reaching a conclusion.
Thus, this issue stirred up quite a commotion in the Ministry of Personnel for several days before it finally settled down. In the second year of the Zhengguang era, the emperor sent Yang Jun to escort the Rouran leader Anagui back to his country. Puhui felt that this action would create potential risks in the future, so he submitted a memorial to the emperor, saying: "I've heard that governing a country should be rooted in justice; things that go against justice shouldn't be done. A ruler should earn their merit through generous kindness, and people who aren't like-minded shouldn't work together. Only then can we start to create a harmonious society and govern the world effectively."
Your Majesty, you are wise and discerning; your virtues illuminate the ancient sages Yu and Shun, bringing peace and stability throughout the four seas, allowing the common people to live and work in contentment. The internal factions are warring amongst themselves, fighting all the way to the borders; the sorcerers south of the Yangtze are stirring up rebellion. These are bandits akin to wild boars and serpents, who do not understand the majesty of the emperor. Heaven is about to punish them, and this is why they have submitted to the Wei state, but they have also suffered harm and pain, making them understand the joy of following the right path. We should comfort the people and bring them joy; respect ourselves and win their hearts. However, we are currently exhausting ourselves first and making the people suffer, mobilizing troops in the outskirts and around the capital, and even marching beyond the borders to confront long-standing adversaries. This can be seen as a war without proper justification. As the saying goes, "Only treacherous ministers and disloyal sons are without fault," I believe this approach is not advisable. This is likely the border generals wanting to seize temporary glory, failing to recognize that weapons are lethal instruments that should only be used as a last resort.
In the Battle of Mount Bai, Emperor Gaozu of Han found himself trapped. Fan Kuai wanted to lead a hundred thousand troops straight into Xiongnu territory, but Ji Bu deemed it unfeasible and even suggested executing Fan Kuai. Subsequent generations have praised Ji Bu's actions. Moreover, we are now facing a rare drought; Your Majesty, you have kindly aided the disaster victims, but now you want to send fifteen thousand troops under Yang Jun to attack the Rouran—this seems ill-timed; will it even succeed? Ana Gui has defected to our court; we should appease him instead of forcing our people to toil for enemies that are bound to fall. In the past, Duke Zhuang's acceptance of Prince Jiu resulted in the Qi dynasty's downfall; Duke Xi of Lu suffered great humiliation because of the affairs of the Zhu state. Now the Rouran is in chaos, with a new ruler in power; they might seem on the verge of collapse, but their treachery is unpredictable. In case they set up an ambush like in the Battle of Jingxing, can Yang Jun's army withstand it? The Xiongnu and Rouran have been fighting for years, facing famine; we should let them fight each other, with the weak perishing and the strong suffering losses, then we can eliminate them in one fell swoop. This reflects Bian He's strategy, which allowed him to acquire two exquisite jade pieces; we cannot ignore this strategy. Now the border is in urgent need, and urgent messages keep coming; it appears we have no other option, and this aligns with the timing for our troops to mobilize. Perhaps this is heaven's way of warning us, not wanting two powerful countries in the north and south to raise troops at the same time. If they collude with each other and cause chaos in the Central Plains again, how will we pacify them? The court ministers are only focused on petty gains, ignoring the larger security concerns; this is what troubles me.
Anagui does not return to his country; what loyalty can we talk about? At this critical moment, we should halt the Northern Expedition. If there is anything wrong with what I said, please forgive me; I just can’t keep quiet. War is like fire; if not controlled, it will consume itself. The lessons of self-destruction learned by these two nations can serve as a warning. I hope Your Majesty can bring all nations together in harmony, stabilize the four borders, and then we can reap the benefits of a united country. I am just an ignorant person who has said many foolish things; there is certainly nothing worthwhile about it. I am just an ordinary citizen, sharing my thoughts with Your Majesty." After Puhui finished his petition, the Emperor replied, "Even a poor bird will fly back to a person's side, let alone Anagui, who has suffered disasters and come from afar to seek refuge with us. How can we not feel compassion for him, both morally and for our national interests? Moreover, accepting the fallen king and comforting the people in chaos is the righteousness of our country. Our Great Wei Dynasty is upright and cannot abandon such virtue. The chaos and downfall of the Rouran's last ruler seemed inevitable; sending him back and welcoming a new ruler, there should be no war. The righteousness of our country should be demonstrated. The court has made its decision, and your thoughts are indeed very insightful; it would be better to adopt your suggestion. However, I can’t go along with this strategy; if there are any shortcomings in the future, do not be afraid to speak up again."
Xiao Yan, that kid, became the Inspector of Yizhou, and a monk named Wensengming surrendered along with everyone in the city. The Inspector of Yangzhou, Chang Sunzhi, sent an official named Feng Shou to hold the city at all costs. Xiao Yan's subordinates Pei Sui and Zhan Seng led the troops to attack fiercely, so the court appointed Puhui as the Commander and the Eastern Expeditions Commissioner, sending him with an army to rescue. Just as the army crossed the Huai River, Feng Shou abandoned the city and fled alone on horseback. The army then pulled back to the court.
Xiao Zhengde, Marquis of Xifeng, pretended to express his intention to surrender, and the court was still considering whether to welcome him. Pu Hui quickly wrote a memorial, requesting the court to send him to Yangzhou to bring back the Xiao family's troops, but the court ignored his request. Before long, Xiao Zhengde indeed fled. The governor of Liangzhou, Shi Shiji, and the acting governor of the western route, Yuan Hongchao, were arrested for corruption and bribery, so the court appointed Pu Hui as the Right General and governor of Liangzhou, and also made him the acting governor of the western route. Pu Hui resigned from his official position on the grounds of illness. Later, the court appointed him as a Grand Master of Ceremonies, but his position as Right Minister remained unchanged.
First of all, the Di people in Wuxing of Qiu Pool were always rebelling, and the garrisons in the western border counties hadn't received supplies in a long time. The court then sent Pu Hui, in his official capacity, to serve as a commissioner with the authority to issue orders as the acting governor of the western route. He was given 30,000 troops from seven states: Qinzhou, Qizhou, Jingzhou, Huazhou, Yongzhou, Binzhou, and Dongqinzhou, giving him the freedom to deploy them as he saw fit. He was responsible for transporting military forces and supplies from Nanjinzhou and Dongyizhou to the various garrisons, and the movements of those troop commanders were to obey the on-site directives of the governors in the Guanshi region. Military supplies, seals, and other items were to be transported by Pu Hui himself. Upon arriving in Nanjinzhou, Pu Hui left the troops from Qizhou, Jingzhou, Huazhou, Yongzhou, Binzhou, and Dongqinzhou in place and only took 4,000 troops from Qinzhou, dividing them into four units. He ordered the troops responsible for transporting supplies to camp in sequence and advance while adjusting the transport of carts and donkeys as necessary. Additionally, he sent Feng Da, the Gentleman of the Central Secretariat, to soothe the Di people in Nanjinzhou, and sent Court Attendant Yang Gongxi to reassure the Di people in Dongyizhou.
At that time, Wu Fu, a powerful figure from the Di clan in Nanqinzhou, formed an alliance with a band of rogues to commit widespread robbery. After Yang Gongxi arrived, Wei Zijian, the governor of Dongyizhou, wrote a covert letter to Puhui, claiming that Yang Gongxi was a descendant of historical minority groups. He cautioned Puhui to remain cautious and vigilant. Puhui summoned Yang Gongxi back to Nanqinzhou using a talisman letter. Consequently, Yang Gongxi secretly colluded with his cousin Shanhu and Wu Fu to stage a rebellion, spreading rumors far and wide and inciting the Di people, feigning conflicts with a certain individual in Nanqinzhou as the reason for not going there. When the grain and supplies arrived at Pingluo, Wu Fu and his men did indeed launch an attack on the supply convoy, all of which were orchestrated by Yang Gongxi behind the scenes. Later, although Wu Fu was killed by his own people, his accomplices still held considerable power. The supplies from Qinzhou, Wudu, and Wuji were delivered with great difficulty. The food from the three cities of Guangye, Qiujiao, and Hechi in Dongyizhou, where the Di people had already submitted, was delivered promptly. However, the one hundred thousand stones of grain that were supposed to be sent to Dongyizhou were completely delayed, and not a single grain made it through, leaving the stationed soldiers starving. Everyone blamed Puhui for his flawed strategy. After the incident ended, Puhui formally impeached Yang Gongxi in his memorial. Upon returning to the court, the court granted him one hundred rolls of silk as a reward. At that time, the court was probing into wrongful convictions, and Puhui wrote in his memorial:
The Book of Songs says, "The grandson of King Wen, the foundation for a hundred generations," and the Book of Changes states, "The great ruler has a mandate, to establish a nation and sustain a family." These all illustrate the importance of moral cultivation and family harmony, which can make one as strong as a city wall and as flourishing as a flourishing pen. When Emperor Gaozu of Han, Liu Bang, was bestowing fiefs upon the lords, he once swore, "May the Yellow River be as narrow as a ribbon, and Mount Tai be as hard as a whetstone, so that the nation may endure forever, and bestow blessings upon future generations." He also emphasized this with a red decree and reinforced the promise with an oath on a white horse. Although there have been instances in history where fiefs were granted due to strength or reduced due to crimes, it has never been heard that the foundation laid by ancestors could be faithfully and virtuously upheld by their descendants through generations. Even if someone made a mistake and was executed or had their title reduced, it could still become a lasting rule.
Therefore, the Minister of Documents, Chen Zhao, failed to deeply study the ancient statutes and institutions, nor did he carefully ponder the emperor's intentions. Based on the original decree of enfeoffment, he believed that a prince ought to be granted two thousand households, the first-generation lords one thousand households, the second generation five hundred households, and the third generation three hundred households, claiming this was a system of grants that decrease with distance and proximity over generations. He also referred to some clauses in the five ranks of nobility system for reducing titles, thinking this indicated a hereditary trend of reduction. Thus, he formulated related regulations and reported that this was the original intention of Gaozu Liu Bang, which the emperor approved. This mistake was indeed significant! As a result, those meritorious royal relatives felt wronged, and people of varying statuses all felt aggrieved, resulting in numerous lawsuits and disputes that dragged on for many years without resolution.
I carefully studied the meaning of the edict and gained a deep understanding of the ins and outs of this matter. However, with the changes in the world, many things have diminished, and it is now impossible to find the ancient basis. I also consulted previous edicts and found that the previous situations are also no longer applicable. It is inappropriate to conflate them and fail to distinguish between them when starting to list these statements. Therefore, Le Liang and Le An, although they are of the same clan, hold fiefs in different regions; Guangyang and Anfeng also belong to different household registration levels. The direct descendants of the Prince of Anding have fiefs in Yiqi and are princes; the Prince of Hejian is a close relative of the imperial family but enjoys the status of a feudal prince. This reflects the title hierarchy established by the emperor during the Taihe period, which takes into account both merits and kinship relationships, not the ironclad evidence of generational reduction. The inheritance of the title of Boling Wang also took place during the Taihe period, and there was no reduction in status across generations at that time, because his father had once enjoyed full offerings and the household was sufficiently enriched, so, like the initial enfeoffment, there was no deduction.
In this way, what gets reduced is the part that exceeds the standard, while the deficient part is supplemented to the standard. The concepts of reduction and supplementation actually pertain to the levels of national contributions and support. The purpose is to prevent the kings from monopolizing the people after founding their states, and the taxation and corvée should vary according to their status. This likely alludes to the tribute taxation system for dukes, marquises, counts, viscounts, and barons during the Zhou Dynasty, where the royal family enjoys half, the dukes enjoy one-third, the marquises and counts enjoy one-fourth, and the viscounts and barons enjoy one-fifth. Therefore, the emerging kings can obtain sufficient households and wealth, while some officials with clear origins need to reduce their households. Thus, whether initially enfeoffed or inheriting a title, "reduction" should be understood as reducing contributions, and "food" should be understood as national support, which reflects the true intent of Emperor Gaozu's edict to bestow grace upon the realm. The specific reasons for reduction have already been explained by the enlightened emperor, and even in historical records, one may not find a more detailed explanation.
At that time, Minister Xiu of Rites had doubts about the inconsistent standards of reduction. The emperor further explained the meaning of reduction, so that the doubts surrounding the concept of reduction for future generations could be dispelled. However, I did not carefully investigate previous events, claiming that even fifth-rank titles had reduction regulations; I also mentioned that there was a distinction between the lands granted to various princes, believing this to be a regulation for generational reduction. I arrogantly speculated about the imperial decree, echoing the public's misunderstanding of the concept of reduction. Such statements poison public perception; how can ordinary people accept this? Therefore, Grand Tutor Chen Cheng, a knowledgeable historian who served in several dynasties, repeatedly requested a reexamination of this issue when he served as Minister of Rites. However, the emperor did not approve, and the issue was left unresolved.
Alas, these laws and regulations are not the same; the regulations for reducing offenses conflict with the mourning customs for the late emperor. According to the laws, reductions should be made, but according to the regulations, compensation should be given to relatives, only to those who are still mourning. These laws and regulations contradict each other, rendering the emperor's authority and benevolence inconsistent. The great-grandchildren and great-great-grandchildren of the Seven Ancestral Temples did not receive compensation; is this really appropriate? The legitimate sons have endless titles and positions, while the collateral and illegitimate sons are demoted and stripped of their titles, even having their relationships severed. How can this possibly be justified? How would the common people view this? If one person is wronged, they say that the governance is failing; not to mention now when so many princes are crying injustice! The grandsons of the Seven Ancestral Temples are all appealing; complaint letters are piling up in government offices, and court officials and common people are all saying that this matter is too harsh. This is likely not the situation the late king envisioned; he sought peace across the realm, to foster closeness with the vassals, and to harmonize the nine clans!
I have held this position for five years and have carefully studied the relevant laws and regulations. I believe that exemptions should not be granted. I suggest learning from Emperor Gaozu's measures for salary reductions and following the wise edicts of past dynasties to mitigate punishments and elevate rituals; this way, punishments will have standards, and nobility will not be arbitrarily revoked. King Wen was particularly cautious about this in his time; he did not dare to neglect the elderly and the lonely, let alone the feudal lords. Now that the Emperor wants to investigate wrongful convictions and errors, I consider this matter to be of paramount importance. I have reviewed the relevant edicts and regulations, thoroughly examined the cases of those deprived and those seeking reinstatement. Those founding kings, if not stripped of their titles due to crimes, should have their titles reinstated. In the past, they received full salaries and had complete household registrations, but later their salaries were reduced according to orders. The salary reduction, when compared to the compensation for their relatives, represents a greater burden. If all are canceled, then the regulation on reduced salaries would become meaningless. I believe that salaries and duties should be based on their original amounts. In this way, even for the less powerful kings, their grain and cloth would still be allocated based on the original household registration amounts, and even if reduced, it would only be by twenty percent. The Qin Dynasty had distinctions between full salaries and complete household registrations, so they cannot be treated the same as newly enfeoffed kings. Regarding the compensation for the families of the deceased, please rule according to the law. I hope the Emperor values familial bonds and honors the capable; positions must correspond to their merits. How can one govern the people with respect for the capable without exercising caution? How can one manage clans with a focus on familial ties without neglecting them? If the Emperor can approve my request, from now on, the past mistakes of those officials, as long as they are of long standing, should not be pursued.
I heard that a wise ruler administers justice with virtue and prudent punishment; this is how King Wen established the Zhou Dynasty. King Tang of the Xia Dynasty also overthrew the Xia Dynasty because everyone supported his virtue. Therefore, when orders come down from above, people below comply, like grass bending in the breeze; everyone fears them as one fears thunder and lightning, and respects them as one respects the divine. Thus, the Son of Heaven can govern the world and pacify the people, just as the sky covers everything and the earth bears all. The blessings of this capital relocation have benefited even the common folk in remote areas, like rain nourishing all things, and even the lowest-ranking officials benefited. Shouldn't the regional governors, second-rank officials, county magistrates, and military leaders, who all accepted the imperial edict, also partake in this blessing? However, the current situation is uneven, with some places experiencing heavy rain while others remain dry; this is due to the officials in charge at that time failing to implement the policies effectively. How can this be proven? Look at the edict of Emperor Shizong, which promoted all officials by one rank, and among them, ministers and governors were immediately rewarded and promoted, indicating that all officials, both internal and external, regardless of rank, received blessings. The edict also clearly states "including all those who accompanied," demonstrating that no one was overlooked.
Later, people's minds became confused, feeling that the favor was not enough, which misled the emperor's judgment. Therefore, the previous time limits were revised, and the assessment standards were reestablished. The assessments of six years and three years were adjusted based on their own judgments; the previous years and the following years were separated and no longer considered. As a result, the emperor's goodwill suddenly shifted. Those who were promoted based on the six-year assessment before were excluded from this favor; those promoted based on the three-year assessment only received half of the promotion. Those assessed before and after were isolated and received no favor; those not assessed did not receive any discounts and all received favor. Those assessed before and after, regardless of assessment, all received full favor. Consequently, the rewards and punishments became unfair, putting the old ministers at a disadvantage. A small error can lead to significant consequences; this is probably the reason! The Book of Changes says: "Words and deeds are the means by which a gentleman governs the world, how can one not be cautious!" Since what was said was not taken seriously, there was no way to prevent it, so it was requested to cancel the additional salary of local officials and not participate in this favor. The assessment of lesser officials was changed to once every four years, and those assessed before could only be promoted every eight years. Policy inconsistencies resulted in an increase in miscarriages of justice, rewards given and then revoked, and the problem arose here. This resulted in those who petitioned for the emperor's favor not being able to find reasons to punish them; those who slandered the court also could not find reasons to suppress them. This is how rumors spread, leading to neglect and disobedience.
Ah, officialdom is like a lute and zither out of tune; it needs proper adjustment. Good people are the foundation of the country; how can we afford to lose them? The "Book of Songs" says: "A virtuous person brings joy; they are the foundation of the nation." The "Yao Dian" also states: "To cultivate clarity and virtue." The "Lü Xing" directly states: "What choice do we have but to choose the right person?" The "Zhou Guan" also mentions: "Officials need not be equipped but for the right person." The "Jiu Yao" says: "Don’t overlook the common officials; heaven will ensure someone steps in for them." The "Book of Songs" contains another line: "When the people are lost, the state withers." And another: "Rain on my public fields, and it will reach my private ones." Confucius also said: "Do not worry about poverty but about inequality." Therefore, when selecting officials, we must choose good people and broadly select talent; it should be more universal. We should follow the will of the first year of Zhengshi, emulate the practices of wise governance, and all officials, both internal and external, should be held to the same standard. We shouldn’t let past promotions influence evaluations, nor should we increase tenure just because someone has been in a position for a long time. Only then can everyone work together, and peace will prevail in the world. If that doesn’t seem feasible, then we should use a method of weighing pros and cons to resolve it.
The "I Ching" says: "The greatest treasure of a sage is their position; how to substantiate that position is benevolence." The "Spring and Autumn Annals" also states: "First, choose the right person." Thus, although broad promotion may not be necessary, evaluations cannot be neglected. Since local officials can be held accountable for promotions, the same should go for central officials. If they’re reaping all the benefits, who would dare to speak up? The three-year evaluation system began in the Taihe era; the two-year promotion system started in the Jingming era. The salaries and workloads of officials can vary greatly. Supporting officials may be demoted if they have fewer responsibilities, but evaluations still occur every three years; court officials all receive the same salary and are promoted only once every four years. Evaluations and salaries are inconsistent, each with its own rationale. Moreover, those who fight on the battlefield all day are much more burdened than those who sit in the office all day. If we stick to a three-year evaluation schedule without delays, everyone can find their rightful place, which can also silence the murmurs of the masses and stabilize the regions.
Finding talent in just one day is likely to result in oversights, let alone promoting based on how long someone has worked rather than the principles of talent selection. From now on, we’ll be conducting assessments for demotions, and I hope everyone can take some time to reflect on themselves; for promotions, I hope everyone can prioritize virtues. The "Book of Documents" states: "Appoint those who are capable for their positions, and do not appoint those who are not suitable." This is the principle of governing a country during the Zhou Dynasty, ensuring the well-being of the people, a principle we cannot afford to ignore. Although I am just a humble Deputy Minister of Military Affairs, responsible for handling wrongful cases, I have been thinking about this issue day and night, feeling the need to correct these problems. Even though I may be foolish, I still want to speak up, even if my suggestions are not accepted.
Zhang Puhui was appointed as the Left General and Governor of Dongyu Province. At that time, the nine military fortresses and thirteen counties in the Huainan region still faced issues from the Xiao Yan era, where people from different backgrounds lived together, creating a chaotic situation. Zhang Puhui carried out a thorough survey in each county, streamlined the number of counties, and then reported the situation to the court. The Emperor approved his recommendations. Thanks to the effective governance of local officials, the bandits dared not cause trouble, and the common folks felt their lives were getting better.
Later, Xiao Yan dispatched General Hu Guang to assault Anyang. The defenders of Anyang, including Chen Mingzu, were intimidated and surrendered the military fortresses of Baisha and Lucheng to the enemy. Xiao Yan then sent the Governor of Dingzhou, Tian Chaoxiu, Tian Sengda, and others to stealthily take over Shitou Shu, directly capturing Anbei City; the bandits in Xintang, Yingshou were operating just a few dozen miles west of the city. Zhang Puhui ordered the generals to engage in battle several times, and they triumphed each time.
Zhang Puhui did not covet wealth, liked to promote talent, and was very loyal to old friends. Hou Jiangu, a young man from Jizhou who studied with him, died young. Zhang Puhui sent him his salary punctually every year and was generous in providing for his food, clothing, and shelter. After Zhang Puhui was appointed governor of Yuzhou, he secured an official position for Hou Changyu and helped his whole family live a good life. In March of the first year of Xiaochang, Zhang Puhui passed away at the age of fifty-eight. The court posthumously appointed him as General of Pingbei and Governor of Youzhou, and posthumously honored him with the title "Xuangong."
His eldest son, Zhang Rongjun, served in the Prince of Qi's office during the Wuding era of Northern Wei. Zhang Rongjun's younger brother, Zhang Longzi, held the position of Chief Historian at the Yangzhou Cavalry Mansion. Historical records note that Sun Shao was a talented individual from the Guanzhong region, capable of commenting on current affairs, which reflected his aspirations. Zhang Puhui was well-versed in allusions, had a strong moral character, was incorruptible in office, and remained steadfast. He truly embodied the qualities of a great minister in the royal court.
