Zheng Xianzhi, with the courtesy name Daozi, was from Kaifeng, Henan. His grandfather Zheng Hun was the chief engineer of the Wei Kingdom; his great-grandfather Zheng Xi was the Minister of Agriculture; his father Zheng Zun was a Shangshu Lang. Zheng Xi was originally the magistrate of Jiangcheng County; therefore, the family resided in Jiangcheng. Zheng Xianzhi often hid in a tent to read since he was a child, rarely interacting with others. He initially served as an assistant to the state registrar under Huan Wei.
Previously, the governor of Yanzhou, Teng Tian, was killed by the Dingling and Zhai Liao, and his body was never recovered. Teng Tian's son Teng Xian continued to serve as an official, which raised suspicions among many. Later, Huan Xuan was in Jingzhou and gathered his subordinates to discuss the matter. Zheng Xianzhi expressed his opinion: ultimately, the essence of moral teachings lies in loyalty and filial piety; as for the specifics of how to adapt, each situation is different. Ultimately, it’s about understanding a person's heart rather than just their outward actions. Behavior is influenced by various constraints and circumstances, so sages sometimes use behavior both to educate and to punish. It's hard to generalize; a few examples can illustrate this point. Can heaven really escape this? Yi Yin even deposed a monarch once; can a monarch truly be coerced? Those who sell their power may be praised for their compliance; can a loyal minister truly be deceived? Jizi once served as an official under King Zhou. Throughout history, while appearances may differ, the essence remains the same; while reputations may vary, the merits are consistent—there are countless examples. How can we possibly clarify today what will remain unrecorded in the classics of sages for centuries to come?
However, in order to speak sensibly and use history to prove the present, one must make sense align with social norms. In cases like that of Teng Xian, he either lives in seclusion for his whole life and withdraws from worldly affairs, or he comes out to work as an official, and will not be criticized. Those who support Teng Xian use the fact that he is not criticized as their argument; those who oppose Teng Xian argue that he should live in seclusion. Comparing these two arguments reveals the differences in their viewpoints. In fact, those who argue he is not criticized are merely catering to societal expectations. For instance, when Wang Ling's mother was executed by the people of Chu, Wang Ling did not retreat because of this, and ultimately became a pillar of the country; he was not seeking fame and fortune. There is also Bao Xun, who dared to speak out in the State of Wei, and even in death, he was loyal, demonstrating that he was not motivated by titles. These two individuals are completely different from Teng Xian's situation.
The ancients said, "When a sage establishes teachings, it is like saying: there is etiquette, but not at all times; a gentleman does not act rigidly." This illustrates that actions should be flexible and adaptable rather than rigidly followed. If one were to use Teng's example to prove whether filial sons should observe mourning, wouldn't that lead everyone to believe they are filial sons? If not everyone is a filial son, then how can one use Teng's example alone to prove it? Those who criticize Teng are not merely targeting this incident but rather criticizing his actions as a whole. After the Han and Wei dynasties, there is a scarcity of records on this matter, and few people can find relevant information. During the Eastern Jin and Sui dynasties, Yang Zhen observed mourning for seven years, not asking about worldly affairs for over thirty years; Wen Gong violated filial piety out of necessity; Yu Zuo Cheng never wore padded jackets (to show frugality); Gao Shiyan gave up mourning only after persuasion from Wang Xizhi and He Chong. No one abandoned mourning as easily as Teng Xian did. If wearing mourning clothes is not the primary means of expressing grief, then there is little more to discuss.
After the Battle of Dongguan, Emperor Wen faced the inability to transport a large number of soldiers' bodies back, so he decreed that their descendants could marry without having to observe mourning. This shows that filial sons don't have to be at odds with societal norms, and those with insight would naturally understand the reasoning behind it. Otherwise, those in charge of the nation should follow the sages' teachings directly, so why establish additional rules? After the Yongjia chaos, Wang Dun continued the policy of Dongguan during the period of national prosperity, which was originally for the greater good of the country, not to regulate human relationships.
Why is this said? While avenging a father is an unwavering duty, for the greater good of the nation, revenge cannot be allowed. This is an example of using law to restrain emotions, similar to the scenarios during the Battle of Dongguan and the Yongjia chaos. Those governing the country can still perform competently, even in plain clothes. Those who claim to educate others and criticize society often believe that all gentlemen should hold official positions, but mix personal feelings into their critiques and believe they should act on their judgments. If someone constantly uses the past to justify their views, doesn’t that mean filial sons could abandon revenge for the law? Emperor Wen didn’t set any rules during the Battle of Dongguan, and Wang Dun didn’t clarify anything during the period of prosperity. When dealing with such issues, it’s important to grasp the reasoning behind governance. Isn’t that obvious?
Well, in the final analysis, if you want to achieve something, you need to have grand aspirations first. If the country is in turmoil and facing the danger of destruction, if you still insist on not taking up an official position, then you still have the energy to do other things. But if you have the energy while the country is destroyed and the family collapses, what's the use? At such times, even an ordinary woman would fight tooth and nail to protect her family and defend her country, let alone a great man! If everyone thinks like this, won't talented folks have nowhere to shine? Teng Zijing, you should think carefully about the sadness in "Zhixu," understand the feelings of those who choose not to be officials; how can you prove you're in the right, and how can you convince others? Reputation is the foundation for talented individuals and the glory of those who have made some achievements. Glory and support are common things. You should already feel ashamed; there's no need to chase fame and fortune—what more is there to say? If you don't see it this way, even if you achieve fame, what can you do? Can you be remembered through the ages? If you only chase small achievements and recognition, then Teng Zijing, shouldn't you be questioning yourself all the time? Someone like Liu Xiaohui can get away with that, but we cannot.
Furthermore, the fundamental goal of life is to follow the teachings of the sages, and the teachings of the sages are rooted in rituals and propriety. At a fundamental level, the principles of the sages are unchangeable. The Qin Dynasty governed the realm through a system of commanderies and counties, and no one dared to change it; Emperor Wen of the Han Dynasty abolished corporal punishment, and no one dared to reinstate it. If even the principles of the sages could be modified by later emperors, how can you, Teng Zijing, insist on proving yourself right by relying on the experiences of those who came before you? If everyone takes office, who knows if this matter will be resolved by future sages? Furthermore, being in office or not, each has its own people, and you choose not to take office, yet you often worry about things three years later. Those critics always speak in grandiose terms, always ambiguous, and say that if they criticize you, Teng Zijing, those who hold office to protect their own lives may not be fully loyal. Isn't that a bit excessive? Loyalty and integrity come from the heart, not from calculation. If actions are motivated by calculation, one will fear the sanctions of the law and dare not be loyal. If one cannot be loyal, the country will have established laws to abide by. Therefore, in ancient times, there were instances of defeat in battle and execution at home. If loyalty comes from the heart, how can one fear external legal consequences and still hesitate? If the country fails to reward merit and punish mistakes, then perhaps your argument may be valid. Without good education to teach the young, they will not wholeheartedly serve the country. If the young do not serve wholeheartedly, loyal ministers like Wang Jing cannot rescue the ruler, filial sons cannot be truly filial; they are all sinners of the country, what else can be said? The blessings of the country extend to ten generations, isn't this quite significant? If merits are rewarded generously, isn't this considered repayment? If the country does not owe you, Teng Zijing, then your worries will naturally disappear; this falls within the realm of moral teachings, where lies the basis for admonition or obstruction?
Some say that the Tang and Yu eras are too far from us; who really knows what life was like back then? To dig into the significance of those events, isn't it just asking for trouble? Although the Later Han Dynasty experienced turmoil, it did not perish, and historical records also attribute this to the contributions of a few ministers. When the Wei Kingdom was to be established, Xun Yu solemnly raised objections, Dong Zhao lost sleep over offending Su Ze, and Jia Chong was even humiliated by Yu Chun. From these examples, it's clear that justice in the world will ultimately endure and won't fade away. Why do you have such feelings? If you're saying it’s because the emperor wasn't in power back then, then how do you explain the seclusion of Boyi and Shuqi on Shouyang Mountain and Zhang Liang assisting Liu Bang? As for Chen Ping's behavior of staying silent and submissive to avoid trouble, all of that was to protect oneself from harm; that's not exactly something to be proud of. Teng Mou can't protect anything anymore; he even tossed away his whip. So where's the justice in that? When Chen Shou observed filial piety and had a maid bring him medicine, he was criticized by the villagers; when Ruan Xian was observing filial piety, he rode a donkey and swiped a maid, yet he was still in the court. Does the fact that Ruan Xian's actions were accepted back then mean his future actions were okay? Furthermore, the actions of those wise men and saints have been closely examined by later generations, and their conduct has been judged. Therefore, even if some things might seem outrageous, the truth will eventually be clarified. Xi Shen buried his mother in the backyard and later became an official; people did not blame him because he was filial. Wei Ridi killed his own son and was not criticized because he was loyal. Can we really accept things like killing a son and burying a mother in the backyard just because they're seen as loyalty and filial piety? That just doesn’t add up! Since it doesn't, we ought to take a good look at Teng Mou's behavior and just stop the debates.
Teng Mou is not subordinate to your village, nor does he have any dealings with you. My abilities are beyond your understanding. If Teng has the ability to decide the outcome of a battle and his talents can be widely used, then we have to go back to those ancient people, which is not a topic for our current discussion. If I am a scholar, then I should accept the teachings of Zengzi like Zixia did, and no one claims that Zixia was unfilial. These are my thoughts. If it is not in accordance with the principles of propriety, I will not say more; if we can compromise, then let's follow the consensus.
Huan Weisheng was promoted to the position in Anxi, and later transferred to the role of Gongcao. He recommended Xie Xuan from Chen County to take over his position, saying, "It is said that if we do not recommend talented people, it will lead to people like Zang Wenzhong seizing official positions; and Xuanzi can appoint the worthy, which helped stabilize the state of Jin. I am a humble individual who has received excessive favor from the emperor, has accepted too many favors, and has assumed a position I should not hold. I know that it is difficult to be promoted; I have repeatedly requested promotion in my memorials, but my willingness to concede has never been conveyed. I am filled with fear day and night, and dare not forget this worry. I have found that Xie Xuan, serving as a military officer, is upright, wise, just, and of noble character. Although he has not fully demonstrated his abilities yet, by promoting him gradually, he will be capable of handling this position. So I request to allow this foolish person to willingly step back and give this important role to the capable Xie Xuan, which truly aligns with everyone's expectations." Later, he was appointed as an attendant cavalier of the Imperial Guards, left to the Minister of Works, and a military recorder for the Grand Marshal of Langye. He was then promoted to Deputy Chief of the Imperial Censorate.
He was upright and fearless, not intimidated by the powerful, and carried out his duties impartially, which perfectly aligned with the duties of an Imperial Censor. His nephew Liu Yi was very influential at the time, with everyone depending on him, but he wholeheartedly supported Emperor Gaozu and refused to submit to Liu Yi, which fueled Liu Yi's deep resentment towards him. In the sixth year of Yixi, he had the Imperial Secretary Qiu Huan bring charges against Liu Yi, saying, "It is reported that Luo Daosheng, under the Imperial Decree, opened the memorial and unlawfully took confidential documents, and should face the death penalty according to the law. The execution of the sentence has already been carried out, but Liu Yi pardoned him because Luo Daosheng is a marquis. Logically, Liu Yi, who has notable achievements and holds a prominent position as Prime Minister, has no justification for pardoning him again. Moreover, the report has already been submitted, but there was no request for approval afterwards, which amounts to a border general acting independently, which is not something that should be done. Even though Liu Yi is my nephew, I handle public affairs impartially, so I request that Liu Yi be removed from his position." The Emperor did not respond to the matter.
At that time, it was said that the newly enacted law stated that officials who resigned due to their parents' illness would face three years of confinement. Shen Shuren, the county magistrate of Shanyin, resigned because of his father's illness. This came to the attention of the Imperial Censor Xianyushu, who submitted a report: "There are always priorities in matters; therefore, laws should allow for flexibility. Some things need restrictions, while others need leniency. It's unreasonable to have everything rigidly defined without any room for flexibility, as this could hinder the greater good. We should consider whether those resigning may have ulterior motives. Even if there are such cases, should we compromise the greater good for minor issues? Moreover, laws are meant to serve the majority, not to go against their will for the sake of a few, especially when it obstructs the practice of filial piety. People seek fame and fortune, and resigning shouldn't be something we need to guard against. This law was created to prevent officials from competing with each other too soon and to ensure the integrity of evaluations. Resigning due to parents' illness, and then adding accusations, is contrary to morality and reason; there's nothing more excessive. I believe we should adhere to the old precedent, as it is more just." The emperor agreed with his opinion. From then on, officials of rank two and above could resign if their parents died, their graves were desecrated, or family members fell ill, without being confined anymore.
Liu Yi was the governor in Zhenjiang at that time, and Gaozu met him in Jiangning, where all the court officials gathered. Liu Yi had a fondness for playing dice, so everyone started playing together. Gaozu and Liu Yi each bet half of the bet, setting the money aside. Liu Yi called for Gaozu to play dice together. Liu Yi rolled first, getting a 'zhì' (a type of score), which displeased Gaozu, so it took a long time before he rolled the dice. Everyone present watched them, and when Gaozu finished rolling the dice, all five dice landed on the black side. Liu Yi's expression darkened, and he said to Gaozu, "I know you don't want to lose this big gamble to someone else!" Xianyu Shu was overjoyed, running around barefoot and shouting. Liu Yi was very angry and said to Xianyu Shu, "What is Mr. Zheng doing?" From then on, the uncle-nephew bond between them was broken. Gaozu had been in the military when he was young and had not received much education. When he became prime minister, he envied the cultured and refined individuals. Sometimes when discussing things, everyone followed his lead and dared not argue. Only Xianyu Shu dared to speak frankly, never compromising, always waiting until Gaozu ran out of arguments before he would relent. Sometimes Gaozu felt ashamed, his expression shifted with embarrassment, and afterwards he told others, "I lack formal education, and my understanding of principles is very shallow. In discussions, many sages are very tolerant, but Mr. Zheng is not like that. He always fully expresses my thoughts, and I am very moved." At that time, people called Xianyu Shu "Gening" (speaking boldly and frankly).
I was transferred from the Central Secretary to the Left Changshi of the Minister of Works, and then became a consultant to the General-in-Chief. Before long, I was promoted to the position of Palace Attendant, and later returned to the position of consultant to the General-in-Chief. During Gaozu's northern expedition in the twelfth year, he appointed me as the Right Changshi. My great-grandfather's tomb lies in Kaifeng, about three hundred miles away, and I requested to go and pay my respects. Gaozu even dispatched cavalry to escort me. After the establishment of the Song Dynasty, I was promoted to Palace Attendant.
In this way, my official position kept rising. From a Central Minister to Left Chief Historian, Military Advisor to the Grand Commandant, Court Attendant, back to Military Advisor, and finally becoming Right Chief Historian. The pace of my promotions was astonishing. What moved me the most was that the founding emperor personally sent cavalry to escort me to Kaifeng, three hundred miles away, to pay tribute to my great-grandfather. This kindness will stay with me forever. As soon as the Song Dynasty was founded, I was appointed as the Director of Ceremonies, which I saw as my way of contributing to the new nation.
The emperor plans to personally lead the army to recapture Guanzhong, with a strong resolve. Xianyu Shu advised in a memorial, saying: "I deeply understand your far-sighted strategic vision, and my humble opinion cannot fathom your thoughts. However, I would like to share a few heartfelt words. The ferocity and cunning of the bandits have been revealed without doubt; the two defeats in Guanzhong were caused by the generals' violations of military discipline, not internal problems in the court leading to defeat. The bandits, upon hearing that you will personally lead a large army, will definitely think that we are launching a major offensive, and will surely concentrate their forces to defend Tongguan; that's bound to happen. If you personally lead the army straight in, I think the chances of success are not great; if you station the court in Luoyang, it wouldn't be worth the trouble for you. In this way, both the advance and retreat strategies should be carefully considered. The bandits do not dare to pursue beyond Shaanxi because they are deterred by your strength. Now, we should fully utilize our forces, flexibly use strategies, and dispatch troops to attack, allowing the people in the south to live in peace and work happily; the bandits will fear future retaliation and never dare to act recklessly. If you station the court in Luoyang and then return, the bandits will start scheming again, which will surely lead to border turmoil; this is the inevitable result. The people of Jiangnan are eagerly awaiting your return to the court; suddenly hearing that you are going on an expedition, unable to estimate the depth of the war, they will surely think that you are going to show your might; if you do not return, the people will be afraid, and things will be easier to handle. In the past, Liu Zhong died in defeat in the Western expedition; two years ago, bandits broke through Guangzhou, causing countless deaths and injuries. The repeated defeats in Jiangnan were all caused by distant expeditions. Moreover, it is said that flooding and disasters are severe in many areas, coupled with the exhaustion of the expeditionary troops and civilians; that's just how things go. When you were in Pengcheng, bandits broke through various counties, not accidental events, but caused by the hardships of the people. If you listen to the people's wishes and reassure them, the people will live in peace and happiness; going against their wishes will inevitably cause rebellion. Ancient leaders were able to quell rebellions for this reason. Emperor Gaozu of Han was trapped in Pingcheng, Empress Lü was insulted by the Xiongnu, Cao Cao was defeated in the Battle of Chibi, Emperor Xuanzong suffered heavy losses in the Battle of Fangtou, but these did not harm their achievements. Besides, it's just a minor detachment violating military discipline; how could it damage the prestige of the court? Those failed examples are not symbols of failure, but are only worth our caution. If you insist on leading the expedition yourself, it will only bring disaster faster. After careful consideration, I believe you don't need to personally go after those small groups of bandits. The western bandits could pose a threat to the Heluo region; it is now necessary to make peace with the bandits in the north, so that Henan will be stabilized. Once Henan is stable, Jizhou and Sizhou will also be stable. I hope you'll take my humble opinion into account."
Looks like there's nothing here right now.
Now, let's move on to the second paragraph:
Your Majesty, your decision to personally lead the troops to Guanzhong shows tremendous resolve! Lord Xianyu has written in his memorial that you are both wise and valiant, and that his humble opinion cannot fully grasp your intentions. Nonetheless, he took the risk to express his true thoughts. The bandits are fierce and cunning; everyone can see that. The two defeats in Guanzhong were due to the generals not following military discipline, not any internal issues in the court. If the bandits learn that you are personally leading the troops, they will likely assume we are preparing for a large-scale assault and will undoubtedly fortify Tongguan, which is to be expected. If you charge in with the troops, I fear the odds of success are slim; if you move the court to Luoyang, it will be too arduous and not worth it. Thus, we must carefully consider our strategy for both advance and retreat. The bandits dare not pursue victory because they are intimidated by your reputation. Now, we should fully utilize our forces, use strategies flexibly, send troops to attack, and let the people in the south live in peace. This way, the bandits will fear future retribution and will think twice before acting recklessly. Should you move the court to Luoyang and then back to the capital, the bandits will likely regroup, inevitably leading to border conflicts. The people of Jiangnan are eagerly awaiting your return to the court. Suddenly hearing that you are going on a distant expedition, they will be afraid and things will be easier to handle. In the past, Liu Zhong died in the Western Expedition, and the bandits broke into Guangzhou two years ago, causing countless deaths and injuries among the people. The repeated defeats in Jiangnan have all stemmed from distant campaigns. Now hearing about floods in various places, the expeditionary troops and civilians are exhausted, scattered, and fleeing; this is simply the way of things. When you were in Pengcheng, the bandits broke into various counties, not an isolated incident, all due to the hardship of the people. If you align with the people's wishes and provide them with comfort, they will find peace; going against their will will inevitably lead to rebellion. The ancient people were able to quell rebellions; the reason lies here. Emperor Gaozu was trapped in Pingcheng, Empress Lü was insulted by the Xiongnu, Cao Cao was defeated in the Battle of Chibi, and Emperor Xuanzong suffered heavy losses in the Battle of Fangtou, but these did not harm their achievements. Furthermore, it's merely a breach of military discipline by a small faction; how could that tarnish the court's prestige? Those failures serve merely as lessons for us to heed. If you insist on leading the troops personally, it will only accelerate disaster. Upon further reflection, I believe it unnecessary for you to personally confront those small bands of bandits. The bandits in the west could pose a threat to the Heluo region, so it’s crucial to negotiate peace with the northern bandits to stabilize Henan. Once Henan is stable, Jizhou and Sizhou will follow suit. I hope you will thoughtfully consider my humble suggestions.
After Emperor Gaozu of Han became emperor, Zheng Xianzhi was promoted to the position of Grand Minister of Ceremonies, and later became the Minister of Personnel. He was straightforward and honest, never hiding anything when speaking to Emperor Gaozu, which made others quite wary of him. However, in private, he was generous and sincere, taking good care of his relatives and friends. He enjoyed wandering around, sometimes not even knowing where he was going and just following the carriage driver. Emperor Gaozu especially liked him. Once, at a banquet in the palace with all the court officials present, Zheng Xianzhi was not invited. After Emperor Gaozu sat down, he remarked to the officials, "Zheng Xianzhi will definitely come on his own." Shortly after, a message came in that "Minister Zheng Xianzhi is seeking an audience at the Shenhu Gate." Emperor Gaozu laughed heartily and called him in, demonstrating their close relationship.
In the second year of Yongchu, Zheng Xianzhi was appointed as the Prefect of Danyang, and later returned to the court to become the Minister of Personnel, with the additional title of Cavalier Attendant-in-Ordinary. Due to his merits in following the emperor on expeditions, he was granted the title of Fifth Rank Viscount of Longyang County. He was later sent abroad again to serve as the Prefect of Yuzhang, with a rank equivalent to 2,000 bushels. In the third year of Yuanjia, Wang Hong became the Prime Minister and recommended Zheng Xianzhi for the position of Right Supervisor of the Secretariat. Four years later, Zheng Xianzhi passed away at sixty-four. He was posthumously honored with the titles of Cavalier Attendant-in-Ordinary and Golden Purple Light Privy. His literary works have been passed down through generations. His son, Zheng Yin, achieved the title of Gentleman of the Palace Writers and later became the Prefect of Shixing.
Pei Songzhi, courtesy name Shiqi, was born in Wenxi, Hedong. His grandfather Pei Mei was a Grand Minister, and his father Pei Gui was a Gentleman of the Yellow Gate. At the age of eight, Pei Songzhi had already read "The Analects" and "The Book of Songs." He was well-read and led a simple life. At the age of twenty, he was appointed Palace General, a position responsible for the Emperor's personal guard. During the reign of Emperor Xiaowu of the Jin Dynasty, the court selected famous scholars to serve as advisors, and the first to be appointed were Wang Maozhi of Langye and Xie You of Kuaiji, both renowned figures of the Southern and Northern Dynasties. His father-in-law Yu Kai in Jiangling wanted him to become the Prefect of Xinye in the west, but he was unable to take up the position for various reasons. Later, he was appointed as a Gentleman of the Cavalry of the Yellow Gate. In the early years of the Yihe era, he served as the Magistrate of Guzhang County in Wuxing, where he achieved significant political success. He later returned to the court and served as a Minister in the Ministry of Rites.
Pei Songzhi believed that some people were erecting steles with inscriptions that misrepresented the facts, so he petitioned the Emperor. He said, "These inscriptions on the steles are for future generations to see. Without special merits or virtues, one does not deserve to have a stele erected. If the person has great merits and is well-known in history, then of course, they can; next, those with noble virtues and leaving a legacy for future generations can also have their inscriptions on the steles. However, if they are just ordinary officials seeking promotion and wealth, with average political achievements, even if they have some achievements, there is no need to write them on the inscriptions. If such people are allowed to have steles erected, it is simply chaotic! The current trend is not good; hypocrisy has been rampant for a long time. If you look at Kong Kui's inscription, the authors are misguided; the inscriptions written by Cai Yong often make people feel embarrassed. From that time on, this trend has become more serious, with many officials vying to have inscriptions erected, with most of the inscriptions exaggerating, unreliable, making it hard to tell what's true and what's not. Those who genuinely deserve recognition are overlooked, only those who spend money are considered; this can't go on! If not restricted, this problem will never end."
So he suggested: "In the future, anyone who wants to set up a stele must first apply to the court. Only after the court's approval can the stele be set up. This can prevent those who have no merit from setting up steles willy-nilly, so that those who truly deserve recognition can be honored properly, allowing future generations to know that these inscriptions are true. This is the only way to make future generations respect and carry on the moral principles." The emperor listened to his suggestion and ordered the prohibition of the practice of random stele setting.
Later, Gaozu launched a northern expedition and appointed Pei Songzhi as the Inspector of Sizhou, promoted him to be the Chief Scribe of the province, and then further promoted him to be an official in charge of the historical records. After capturing Luoyang, Emperor Gaozu ordered: "Pei Songzhi is a valuable talent and should not always stay in the local area dealing with trivial matters. Now I am summoning him to serve as the Crown Prince's aide, together with Yin Jingren. You inform him." At that time, the court wanted to build sacrificial music and dance for the Five Temples, and Pei Songzhi believed that the temple music for Lady Zang should also be as grand as the other four temples. Later, he was appointed as the Interior Minister of Lingling, and finally summoned to be a National Scholar.
In 453 AD, Emperor Wen of Song, Liu Yilong, ordered the execution of the Minister of Works, Xu Xianzhi, and others, and then sent out a group of special envoys to inspect various parts of the country.
- Yuan Yu, the Cavalier Attendant, was sent to Yangzhou;
- Lu Zizhen, an official from the Three Excellencies, and Zhen Fachong, the Registrar of the Ministry of Personnel, were sent to Jingzhou;
- Fan Yong, a Cavalier Attendant, was sent to Nanyanzhou;
- Kong Mo, the former Right Assistant of the Ministry of Works, was sent to Nanbei Yuzhou;
- Wang Xinzhi, the Military Advisor, was sent to Xuzhou;
- Che Zong, the Imperial Clerk, was sent to Qingzhou and Yanzhou;
- Song Zhi was sent to Xiangzhou;
- Ruan Changzhi, the Gentleman of the Palace Secretariat, was sent to Yongzhou;
- Yin Daoluan, the former Magistrate of Jingling, was sent to Yizhou;
- Li Danzhi, the Cavalier Attendant, was sent to Guangzhou;
- Ruan Bin, the Gentleman of the Palace, was sent to Liangzhou and Nanqinzhou;
- Ruan Yuank, the former Cavalier Attendant, was sent to Jiaozhou;
- Pan Sixian, the Household Officer, who also served as the Cavalier Attendant, was sent to Ningzhou.
The emperor issued an edict, saying: "In ancient times, emperors would tour various regions to inspect political achievements, and officials would report on their work. Even without tours, there was a system for regular reporting and greetings. This was done to understand the people's sentiments, formulate policies, assess officials' performance, and ensure harmony between the upper and lower classes, benefiting all. Only then could achievements be passed down through generations, with righteousness enduring forever. My abilities are mediocre, inheriting the great accomplishments of my ancestors. I govern with caution, not fully understanding the ways of ruling a country. Day and night, I worry as if standing on a cliff. I fear the deteriorating social morals, hypocrisy among the people, ongoing disasters, and the impact of droughts on agriculture. Despite my efforts to handle various affairs and improve people's lives, the busy governance leaves many aspects unattended. Laws and punishments may be biased, and there are many situations I do not fully comprehend. Could it be due to my insufficient sincerity that causes discord among the people? I blame myself for these feelings of guilt.
It is now a turbulent time, with the realm not yet unified, and the inspection ceremonies have not been carried out. I constantly keep the common people in mind, always caring for and cherishing them. I now dispatch you, who also serve as Imperial Attendants, to tour various regions, inspect the counties, personally meet with provincial governors and officials ranked above two thousand stones, express my sincerity to them, extensively inquire about governance matters, observe officials' performance, understand the people's hardships, commend the upright, and comfort the sick.
In accordance with the rites and customs of the Zhou Dynasty, evaluate the merits and drawbacks of etiquette. Each of you must write a detailed report, so that I can understand the situation as if I were present. Ministers, you must diligently carry out this task without fail. If you have insightful suggestions, honestly relay them to the envoys without holding back. I will take good advice seriously and address any shortcomings. I hope you will complete this mission diligently and meet my expectations!"
Song was ordered to return to the court, and he reported: "I have heard that the way of heaven lies in universal benevolence and enlightenment, and the virtue of a king lies in generously bestowing grace to its fullest extent. The sages of ancient times were able to benevolently benefit the people with a heart full of love; therefore, they ruled with wisdom and integrity, naturally bringing peace to the world. The influence of rituals and music permeated the land, and education was widely disseminated. This enabled them to achieve great accomplishments and earn widespread praise, creating the flourishing era of the Zhou Dynasty. Your Majesty, you are both revered and wise, with profound insights and unparalleled virtues. In your magnificent palace, your gaze extends to all corners of the world. However, I worry that your teachings have not yet been fully realized, and your bright virtues have not been fully manifested. You care for the suffering of the people, show compassion for the elderly and widows, and your benevolent grace extends far and wide. Your grand vision is evident in the Book of Songs and the Book of Documents, and your grace and influence spread far and wide. Therefore, people everywhere sing your praises, admire your wisdom, and are filled with joy and gratitude, remembering your kindness. Some even help the elderly and children, cheering and celebrating in the streets, all because your grace has reached the people, leading them to forget their own struggles. This once-in-a-lifetime prosperous era is unfolding right now. Although I am honored to be entrusted with important tasks and hold a position in the court, my abilities are limited, making it difficult to fully express your royal decree and promote education. My rise and fall in rank seems random, my knowledge is limited, and I feel anxious and uncertain about what to do. I have diligently completed the twenty-four tasks you assigned me and provided detailed reports on each one. Following the instructions in the imperial decree regarding customs and traditions, I have drafted reports in accordance with Zhou Dynasty regulations and elaborated on my opinions." Song's report was well-crafted and received widespread acclaim.
He was promoted to the position of Deputy Minister of the Central Secretariat, concurrently serving as the Grand Master of the Central Prefecture of Jizhou and Sizhou. The Emperor commissioned him to annotate Chen Shou's "Records of the Three Kingdoms," and he collected and organized historical materials, adding some lesser-known anecdotes. After completion, he presented it to the Emperor. The Emperor was very pleased, saying, "This is an immortal work!" Later, he was appointed to the position of Prefect of Yongjia, diligent in his duties and dedicated to the welfare of the people, and deeply loved by the people and officials. He later returned to the court, serving as a Court Attendant and concurrently as the Grand Master of the Central Prefecture of Jizhou and Sizhou. He was soon appointed to the position of Prefect of Nanlangye. Fourteen years later, he retired, was granted the title of Senior Palace Attendant, and then served as a Doctor of the Imperial Academy. He was later promoted to Grand Master of the Palace, while retaining the position of Doctor of the Imperial Academy. He also participated in the continuation of the national history written by He Chengtian, but he passed away in the twenty-eighth year before it was completed, at the age of eighty. His son, Yin, served as a military officer in Nanzhong. His works, including essays and "Records of the Jin Dynasty," as well as his son Yin's annotations on Sima Qian's "Records of the Grand Historian," have been passed down through the ages.
He Chengtian was from Tan County, Shandong. His grandfather, He Lun, served as the Right Guard General of the Jin Dynasty. When He Chengtian was five years old, he lost his father. His mother, Lady Xu, was the sister of the prominent Xu family of Guangling, intelligent and knowledgeable. Therefore, He Chengtian received a good education from an early age, extensively studying Confucian classics, historical texts, and various philosophical schools. His uncle, He Dian, served as the Prefect of Yiyang County, and He Chengtian accompanied his uncle to Yiyang.
In the fourth year of the Long'an era, Colonel of the Southern Barbarians Huan Wei appointed him as a military aide. At that time, Yin Zhongkan, Huan Xuan, and others raised troops against the court. He Chengtian was worried that the war would affect him, so he resigned and returned to Yiyang. In the early years of the Yixi era, the Duke of Changsha, Tao Yanshou, asked him to be a military aide in the Fu Guo Mansion and even recommended him to Emperor Gao of Song. He was appointed as the magistrate of Liuyang County shortly thereafter, but soon resigned and went back to Jiankang. Later, General Liu Yi stationed in Gushu and asked him to be a military aide. Once when Liu Yi was out, Chen Man, the historian from Yanling County, accidentally shot one of Liu Yi's attendants while shooting birds. Although no one was injured, according to the law, he should face the death penalty. He Chengtian said, "The key in handling cases is to uncover the truth. If there is doubt, the punishment should be light. In the past, when the horse of Emperor Wen of Han was startled, Zhang Shizhi accused him of committing the crime of disturbing the imperial carriage, but in the end, he was only fined a small amount of money. Why? Because Zhang Shizhi understood that he did not intentionally startle the horse. Therefore, there was no heavier punishment just because it was the imperial carriage. Now, Chen Man was just shooting birds and did not intentionally harm anyone. Causing injury by accident typically warrants a three-year prison sentence, not to mention he didn't actually harm anyone. A light punishment is enough." Eventually, He Chengtian was appointed magistrate of Wanling County. When Zhao Tan served as the Colonel of the Ning Barbarians and the Prefect of Xunyang, he invited him to serve as Sima, but soon he resigned again.
Song Gaozu appointed him as the Deputy Military Officer of the Grand Commandant's Office. When Gaozu was campaigning against Liu Yi, he left Zhuge Changmin as the military inspector. Zhuge Changmin harbored secret ambitions. Liu Muzhi stepped aside from the others and asked He Chengtian, "Do you think this campaign against Liu Yi will be successful?" He Chengtian replied, "I’m not worried about the western front's failure; I have other concerns. When you returned from Zuoli to Shitou City back then, it went smoothly, but now going back, the circumstances might be different." Liu Muzhi said, "If it weren't for you, I wouldn't hear these words. I have recently tried to reach out to Liu Lang from Dantu (referring to Liu Yu), but it might be difficult." Later, He Chengtian was appointed as a scholar at the National Academy. In the eleventh year of Yixi, he was appointed as a military officer for the Crown Prince's expedition, later promoted to the military officer of the Western Central Army Corps, and then became the magistrate of Qiantang County. When Song Gaozu was in Shouyang, the palace of the Song Dynasty was completed, and he was appointed as a junior official in the Ministry of Rites, collaborating with Fu Liang to establish court ceremonies. As the Yongchu era drew to a close, he was appointed as the Assistant Secretary of the Southern Platform. Xie Hui was serving in Jiangling, and he requested a position for the Chief Historian of the Southern Barbarians. At that time, there was a man named Yin Jia, whose family was very poor. His mother, in order to pay off his debts, even offered herself as collateral, pawning all her personal jewelry. As a result, Yin Jia was sentenced to death for being disrespectful to his mother.
Cheng Tian (official name) expressed his opinion on this issue: "The government has ordered everyone to discuss the matter of Yin Jia's death penalty. The document signed by the law official Ge Teng indicated that his mother accused him of being unfilial and wished to see him dead. The law's intention is that parents should only accuse their children for a specific purpose before being permitted to kill them. We must thoroughly investigate the facts of the case. While it is true that Yin Jia is unfilial, his mother never expressed a desire to kill him! She wanted her son to live, but now he is being sentenced to death. This is fundamentally different from what the law implies about 'granting requests.' Initially, he was convicted of unfilial conduct, but in the end, he was sentenced to death for repaying debts. This contradiction offends both his mother and son. The legal provisions cited by Ge Teng are simply incorrect. While Yin Jia's offenses are serious and complex, since the emperor has issued the order, we should show understanding for his ignorance.
You see, a wise ruler implements benevolent policies and punishes cautiously, which reflects King Wen's deep care for his people; when handling cases, one should be lenient and avoid sentencing to death, as instructed by the teachings of the Hexagram Zhong Fu. From a rational perspective, a mother concealing her son's debts is improper; from a ritual perspective, this contradicts the principles of filial piety. If we were to sentence him to death based on the provision that 'parents are allowed to kill their children' in order to demand filial piety from him, this is not leniency but rather a clear case of wrongfully executing an innocent person! I believe Yin Jia's death sentence should be commuted, and he should be shown the mercy akin to gentle spring rain; his mother's fault should be forgiven to honor the principle of a mother shielding her son from debt. In this way, even though Jiangling is a distant location, it can still showcase the court's benevolence; even though Yin Jia is merely a commoner, it can still reflect the court's commitment to education."
The case had not yet been decided, and it coincided with a general amnesty. Yin Jia and his mother were both spared from the death penalty. General Wei Shen Hui was promoted, first being reassigned to the advisory army and later becoming a secretary. In the third year of the Yuanjia era, he heard that he was going to be attacked. His younger brother, Shen, who was serving as a palace attendant at the time, secretly sent him a letter. Shen Hui quickly asked his strategist Chengtian, "What should I do if they actually plan to attack me?" Chengtian said, "Based on the emperor's level of concern, the scale of mobilizing national forces to attack a province varies, and the situation of both sides is also different. It's best to ensure a safe retreat. Secondly, you can send your most trusted person to station troops in Yiyang, while you lead the main army to fight to the death at Xiakou. If you lose, quickly retreat to Yiyang, then withdraw from the north; that would be the second option." Shen Hui thought for a while and said, "Jingchu has always been a strong military province with ample troops. We should engage in battle directly, and if necessary, we can retreat later!" He then had Chengtian draft a proclamation. Shen Hui believed that the Governor of Xiangzhou, Zhang Shao, would not support him, so he wanted to send a thousand men to attack Zhang Shao. Chengtian felt that Zhang Shao's intentions were not certain and it was not advisable to hastily deploy troops. At that time, Zhang Shao's brother Zhang Maodu was the Governor of Yizhou and had a close relationship with Shen Hui, so Shen Hui ultimately did not send troops. The former Governor of Yizhou, Xiao Mozhi, and the former Prefect of Baxi, Liu Daochan, returned to Jiangling after stepping down, and Shen Hui wanted to kill them. Chengtian tried his best to save them, and in the end, both of them were spared. After Shen Hui's demotion, Chengtian remained in the residence. When Shen Qingzhi arrived at Matou, Chengtian voluntarily confessed his wrongdoing. Shen Qingzhi saw that he was indeed sincere, so he forgave him and even permitted him to work in the Southern Barbarian Office.
Seven years ago, Yan embarked on a northern expedition and applied to serve as a military scribe in the Right Army. After Yan's defeat, Chengtian believed that he was not suitable for military service, so he was exempt from punishment and reassigned as a palace attendant while also serving as the Left Minister. Later, a man named Daoju from Yuhang in Wuxing committed a crime. According to regulations, his clan relatives should serve in his place. Daoju's cousins Daigong, Daosheng, and others were all immediate family, and theoretically did not need to serve in the military. However, the law stipulated that if the mother of the period relative was alive, the son should also serve in her place. Chengtian said, "According to the regulations, clan relatives should serve in his place, but immediate family are exempt. Women must follow the traditional Confucian principle of 'three obediences,' which dictates that a woman must obey her father before marriage, her husband after marriage, and her son after her husband's death. Now that Daoju has committed a crime, if his uncle is still alive, according to regulations, his uncle's wife should serve in his place, which is reasonable. However, when Daoju committed the crime, his uncle had already passed away, and Daigong and Daosheng are his cousins, immediate family, and should not serve in the military. If we were to consider his aunt as the period relative and let Daigong serve in her place, it would violate the rule that immediate family are exempt from military service and contradict the principle of women's 'three obediences.' The officials insist on the 'period relative' rule because they fail to distinguish between men and women, resulting in this confusion. I worry that this contradicts His Majesty's intent for leniency in punishment. I believe that both Daigong and his mother ought to be exempt from any punishment."
The Minister of Works, Kong Mai, originally wanted to report this matter, but Kong Mai had already passed away. Everyone agreed that using Kong Mai's name in the report would be inappropriate, so they planned to send someone else to report it. Chengtian said, "The names of the deceased are not suitable for use in reports, not for any other reason, but simply because it is considered inauspicious. Delaying reports could waste several years. We are in a prosperous era now, and matters should be handled efficiently and swiftly. These superstitious taboos should be reconsidered."
Cheng Tian is strong-willed, refusing to bow to the powerful officials at court. He often looks down on his colleagues because of his own talents and has a poor relationship with the Minister of Works, Yin Jingren. He was assigned to Hengyang as an official. His relationships with many scholars in the capital were not good, and he was not aboveboard in his official duties in Hengyang. He was accused by local officials, imprisoned, and later released during a general amnesty. In his sixteenth year of service, he was appointed as an editorial assistant, responsible for compiling national history. Cheng Tian was already quite advanced in age, while the other editorial assistants were young men from prominent families. Xun Bozi from Yingchuan often mocked him by calling him a "wet nurse." Cheng Tian said, "You should say 'a phoenix is about to hatch nine children,' where do you get the idea of calling me a 'wet nurse'?" Not long after, he was promoted to the position of Prince's Attendant while still serving as an editorial assistant.
Ah, it's been a long time since a member of Ding Kuang's family in Danyang passed away and they still haven't buried the body. The Emperor said, "According to the rites, 'postponed burial' refers to allowing them to arrange the funeral according to their actual situation due to temporary poverty and simplicity, without needing everything to be in order. But for Ding Kuang's three families, it has been several years and they still haven't had a coffin for burial. This clearly shows a lack of familial bonds and gratitude, no different from animals! I think Ding Bao and the other neighbors, who have known Ding Kuang for years, haven't offered any advice or legal pressure. In the winter of the sixteenth year, there were neither new laws nor clear old regulations, so why did they suddenly file a lawsuit together? Perhaps it was merely a neighborhood dispute over a trivial issue. I heard that this situation is prevalent in many areas to the east, especially in Jiangxi and northern Huai. If only these three people are punished, it will not have a deterrent effect. Once this precedent is set, everyone will accuse each other, and the village heads, township heads, and county officials will collude for money. If bribery is allowed, lawsuits will proliferate, which will tarnish the Emperor's wise and martial reputation. I think, let's not worry about Ding Kuang's three families for now; let's seize this opportunity to establish a rule: if the public fails to adhere to the funeral regulations, neighbors must report it without delay. After the three-year mourning period, no further investigation can be conducted; that would be better."
In the nineteenth year, the court established the Imperial College, and Cheng Tian was appointed as a professor. The Crown Prince wanted to teach the "Classic of Filial Piety," so the Emperor appointed Cheng Tian and the Chamberlain for Ceremonial as the instructors. Shortly thereafter, Cheng Tian was elevated to the position of Chief Censor. At that time, the barbarians invaded the border, and the Emperor asked the ministers how to deter the enemy and defend the border. Cheng Tian wrote in a memorial:
Ah, I’ve heard that trouble has arisen on the northern border, with barbarians invading Qingzhou and Yanzhou. The Emperor, being kind and compassionate, seeks everyone's opinions while strategizing for military defense. Although I am foolish, I have also heard about this matter and am anxious about it.
Think about it carefully; the invasion by the northern barbarians has been occurring since ancient times. At the peak of the Zhou Dynasty, Nan Zhong even led troops into battle; during the prosperous period of the Han Dynasty, Wei Qing and Huo Qubing also made great contributions. Although they once drank their horses in the Han Sea and planted their flags in the Qilian Mountains, war is costly and chaotic, causing great harm to the people and finances of the world. Transporting food and troops requires vast resources. These barbarians are fierce and obstinate, refusing to yield. The outcomes of battles are unpredictable and ultimately yield no benefits. During the reign of Emperor Xuan of Han, when these troublemakers arose, a strategy of appeasement and force was implemented, eventually forcing them to submit.
After losing the Central Plains since the Jin Dynasty, the northern barbarians have been constantly raiding us for over a hundred years, leaving us with no time to deal with them. After the establishment of the Song Dynasty, they were defeated twice in Lingwu, causing them to fear the Song Dynasty's prestige and pay tribute obediently. Since Your Majesty ascended to the throne, you have consistently pursued a policy of appeasement and enticement. For over a decade, they have been continuously paying tribute. Last year, three princes set out to fight, hoping for a glorious victory. However, the barbarians, fearful and suspicious, grew increasingly distrustful, violated the previous agreement, and caused trouble in secret. They are greedy and cruel, unwilling to reflect on themselves. I fear that the border will soon be ablaze, and it may start right here.
I have limited knowledge and do not understand military affairs. Drawing from my limited insights, I wrote an essay titled "On Border Defense." It may not be particularly useful, but if the ministers of the court could take a look, distinguish right from wrong, perhaps we can collaborate on ideas, present various plans, and evaluate which options are feasible and which are not. In my article, I mentioned...
When Han officials discuss strategies for dealing with the Xiongnu, there are essentially two options: military generals advocate for conquest through force, while civil officials suggest marriage alliances. Thinking carefully about their arguments, each has its own rationale. If we simply confront the Xiongnu head-on in the borderlands, they will hold us back, and we will definitely not be able to achieve victory quickly and fulfill our grand ambitions. We should consider the people in the Jizhou region who have submitted to the court in previous years, with many people from two provinces pledging allegiance and three kingdoms paying tribute. Our strategic layout has already been established, the grand undertaking is about to commence, and the people are eagerly awaiting it. Both the Chinese and the barbarians admire our benevolence and righteousness. However, we foolishly pursue small gains, overestimating ourselves, flaunting our strength externally, and concealing our weaknesses internally. Now, if we focus on appeasing them and allow them to reform themselves, although we may not be able to bring them to the capital, it would be enough to stabilize the border. However, marriage alliances are of great importance and should be carefully considered. I am too ignorant to explore this matter further.
If we want to emulate Wei Qing and Huo Qubing in sweeping the north, the current situation is different from as we did in the past, and the achievements will be vastly different. Although the Xiongnu's combat experience is still relatively new, they completely occupy the land of Yan and Zhao and control Qin and Wei, with the terrain as treacherous as ever. Unless we can, as we did in the past, establish large-scale farming in the Huai River and Si River basins, make the people of Qing and Xu regions prosperous, have sufficient food reserves, and then appoint generals Fang and Shao to command 100,000 elite soldiers to eliminate them in one fell swoop, only then can we avoid prolonged military campaigns that strain the populace and exhaust our resources. Why do I say this? Currently, the people are suffering from the ravages of war, just wanting to live in peace and work, not everyone is ashamed of the Xiongnu's customs or longs for Han etiquette. It is only because they have been abused and oppressed, with nowhere to go, that they are flocking to us.
Since the Xiongnu are unable to defeat us through sheer strength, they resort to light cavalry for surprise raids, desperate to wipe out our remaining forces. This is why they will quickly invite resentment and calamity, eventually leading to their downfall. If we were to send troops to pursue and retaliate against their aggression, launching large-scale attacks on Youzhou and Jizhou, massacring cities and breaking through towns, the court’s benevolent efforts to care for the people will be undermined by the war. If we only seek to pacify them, punish the criminals, and comfort the people, the cavalry will be reluctant to engage in battle, resulting in massive costs with little impact on them. If we deploy surprise forces deep into enemy territory to crush them, as long as the Xiongnu threat remains, they will retaliate without end. These were the flawed strategies of the Qin and Han dynasties, and the regrettable outcome of the Battle of Luntai. "Each has their own ambitions and long-term goals." "These are the strategies at the end of the Qin and Han dynasties, and the regrets stemming from the Battle of Luntai."
Stabilizing the border is the best long-term strategy. My methods for border defense are recorded in historical texts. Li Mu identified the key points, while Yan You elaborated on them, and overall, it has been explained clearly. When Cao Cao and Sun Quan dominated, their strengths and strategies were evenly matched, and the territory they occupied between the Yangtze and Huai Rivers spanned only a few hundred miles. The Wei Kingdom abandoned Hefei and retreated to Xincheng. The people of Jiangling moved to the river, while the families of the troops stationed at Ruxu relocated to Xianxi. The troops stationed at Biaoling cohabited with the local populace and the nomadic tribes. King Xuan of Jin believed defenses should be established from the southern banks of the Yangtze to the northern shore, but Cao Shuang disagreed, resulting in the loss of Zhongzhou. These are the lessons from previous generations! Why? The border is not a place for grazing or farming. Thus, we must defend the cities, secure the battlefield, wait for the enemy to attack, organize our troops, maintain our weapons, and strike when the enemy is exhausted. Although the times are different and the strong and weak vary, the methods for protecting the people and territory remain consistent. In conclusion, there are four main points: first, move troops from afar to nearby; second, strengthen the city walls; third, prepare vehicles and livestock; fourth, count the population and levy conscription. Appoint capable generals to defend the land and courageous leaders to inspire the troops. Issue commands broadly and use rituals to instill a sense of honor. Use titles to win their loyalty and laws to instill discipline. Taxes should be collected according to regulations, with both rewards and punishments applied. After ten years, the people will grasp the rationale. Then select exceptional generals, assign them critical missions, and advance northward, sweeping through Hebei like the wind and through the Song and Heng mountains like lightning. The bows of Yan were shattered, the war horses of Dai were defeated, the right arm of Qin was cut off, and the left shoulder of Wu was severed. Victories were recorded at Yanran Mountain, and a victory feast was celebrated at Jinwei Mountain.
Although the bandits may seem chaotic and easy to defeat at the moment, the timing, location, and circumstances may not fully meet our expectations, so we must not act rashly. We must wait for the right moment and carefully weigh the pros and cons. If the border guards are insufficient in number, scattered across vast lands like stars, with varying levels of training, huge disparities in wealth, mutual suspicion among the border residents, and the enemy's movements uncertain, lacking stable occupations, then they will be difficult to effectively command and mobilize, making unrest likely.
Furthermore, these cunning bandits, who feast on meat and don animal skins, take pride in riding horses and hunting for a living; they lack the comforts of homes or the protection of palaces. They are accustomed to the wind and sun, and sleeping in the wild is nothing new to them. They fight for spoils in victory and flee in defeat; they advance fiercely, while we might already be worn out. Moreover, this spring we just crossed the Yellow River and achieved victory; now we are complacent, not anticipating retribution from above, but come autumn, we may be heading towards death. They boast a multitude of cavalry, swift-footed troops, gathering like ants and swooping down like birds, trampling crops and burning houses. Even if the border generals have many strategies, they might struggle to withstand the onslaught.
If we gather a large army for long-term deployment, it will significantly delay agricultural production; mobilizing vehicles and horses will inevitably slow down operations; rewarding with money will incur huge expenses; replacing local soldiers to guard the border will surely lead to complaints. Instead, it is better to utilize the places where the people live, while developing both agriculture and military capabilities. This way, we can defend against the enemy effectively without the need to mobilize a large army at the burden on our people and resources. Therefore, the advantages and disadvantages, gains and losses, priorities and urgencies, become clear.
First, we need to move the common people from distant places to nearby places to strengthen the interior. Currently, the old residents of Qingzhou and Yanzhou and the newly settled people of Jizhou have a total of 20,000 households in the border areas that bandits rely on. We can relocate them all to the interior, allowing the people of Qingzhou to relocate to counties like Donglai, Pingchang, and Beihai, south of Mount Tai and down to Xiapu, between the Shu River and Yi River, where the land is fertile, with Lanling as a barrier to the west and Daxian Mountain as a natural barrier to the north, surrounded by mountains and with strategic terrain. Generally, people dislike moving because they can't see the long-term benefits. They tend to complain when there are no bandits around. Now that they have just suffered from bandit raids and their fear has not yet dissipated, if we explain the benefits to them and provide them with a peaceful place to live, they will definitely be happy to move, seeing the move as a return home.
Secondly, we need to repair the city walls and moats to strengthen defense. In the past, after the autumn and winter harvests, the common people would seek refuge in the city, which allowed them to prepare early and defend against bandits and robbers. Even though the city walls are now in ruins, they can still be fixed. We should estimate the number of households to determine how many people can fit in the city. The newcomers should also be accommodated in the city, given land, organized into teams, and encouraged to farm together. Women will stay home to manage the household while officials provide guidance. Young men and women cultivate and herd in spring and summer. If the enemy attacks, a city with a thousand households should have at least two thousand able-bodied fighters, while the elderly, weak, sick, and disabled can shout and cheer from the city walls. Military texts state that it takes ten times the enemy's forces to successfully besiege them, so two thousand soldiers can hold off thirty thousand enemy troops.
Third, we need to prepare vehicles, cattle, and draft animals, and forge weapons. Calculating for one thousand households, there should be at least five hundred oxen, enough to make five hundred vehicles. Organize these vehicles, cooperate with each other, and ensure everyone's safety. Even if we can't hold the city, we can retreat together to a stronghold where the enemy won't be able to touch us. Living in close quarters will make it easier to manage things. We'll issue orders in advance so everyone knows the plan. If an emergency arises that requires us to mobilize, we can gather within one or two days.
Fourth, we need to count the number of people and equip them with weapons, ensuring there are no deficiencies. With one thousand households, we have about two thousand warriors. According to their abilities, each person should have their own weapon, get used to it during peacetime, engrave their name on it, return it to the warehouse after use, and bring it for self-defense when going to battle. Common folks can't easily get their hands on weapons like bows, arrows, knives, and guns, so the government will gradually provide them. In a few years, we should have most of the army's gear ready.
I heard that the military and the state should have different management approaches. Within the country, the focus should be on the people; in border regions, both military and agricultural development need to be balanced. Whether to attack or defend depends on how well the soldiers are trained and their level of bravery. The terrain of mountains, rivers, and climate changes are objective realities; forcibly altering them can lead to issues. Therefore, stationing the army in the Shen and Qing regions is expensive and has resulted in widespread complaints. In my opinion, it would be more effective to leverage the existing civilian population. Guan Zhong governed the state of Qi by issuing orders to the people; Shang Yang reformed the state of Qin by implementing agricultural warfare policies. In the end, Qi became dominant and Qin became powerful, achieved not merely through brute force, but through a well-structured strategy. The state of Liang only used a ragtag army and ended up being destroyed; Qi focused only on military strength, leading to a loss of loyalty among the people. Since the Han and Wei dynasties, this system has gradually disappeared; the garrison system has changed significantly since ancient times, and military training has become merely superficial. When it comes to actual warfare, the common people lack fighting skills, which leads to chaos. Local officials remain passive, lacking any contingency plans, highlighting the drawbacks of neglecting military training and the consequences of inadequate education.
Now, we are relocating the people inland, restoring the city walls, allowing them to settle together in family groups, training in horseback archery, assessed by officials and categorized into ranks based on their abilities, gradually promoting those who perform well, recognizing their contributions and talents, and reporting this to the local authorities. In this way, the army's stationed location becomes stable, and the people do not have to move. Providing internal protection for the elderly, the weak, women, and children, keeping the official roads clear, cultivating good relationships among neighbors, sharing joys and sorrows, strengthening bonds and honing skills, recognizing each other during daytime battles, and supporting each other during nighttime battles. This is one aspect of military training and also a method left by the sages. Some may say that the city walls of the past are all in disrepair and difficult to restore. We are not saying that we need to immediately restore the city walls to their former beauty, but rather first settle the people, plan their residential areas, utilize the relatively intact city walls, and temporarily use fences to block damaged areas. This way, we can fend off lightly advancing enemies, protect against enemy cavalry raids, and gradually establish a defense system with the support of a few commanders. "The levy of chariots and oxen, the appropriateness of weapons, the resources for offense and defense, are essential for the nation's military." These are all essential for the nation's military, and now we are leveraging the strengths of the people to achieve this. Farming tools are the treasures of the state; those who farm and raise silkworms form the backbone of the nation's army; thousands of households can create a formidable army, strong in both men and horses, causing enemies to think twice before acting recklessly. When the nation is strong and the people thrive, this is incomparable to those armies merely draining the state's resources.
Not long after the peaceful times, border defenses became lax, not all the bows and arrows had been destroyed, and the weapons that were abandoned have been around for twenty years. Those things should have decayed long ago. Therefore, we need to re-establish the old rules and regulations, strictly control the border, and merchants caught hiding weapons should face military law. It is also important to set up checkpoints and guard posts along the border securely, blocking off any hidden paths. The defense facilities and weapons in the border areas need repairs and upgrades, and new standards should be established. If any lost arrowheads or blades are found, or if someone is caught stealing, they should be inspected immediately to ensure long-term effectiveness. The vast Juye Lake connects to the Zhushui and Sishui rivers to the south and connects to Qingzhou and Qizhou to the north. There is an old county town in the lake, and the city walls should be repaired, water gates constructed, and one hundred light warships should be equipped. If the enemy invades, we can use the warships to attack, respond flexibly, seize advantageous terrain, and disrupt the enemy's supply lines. This way, we can hold the enemy at bay with superior forces, leverage our strengths, and secretly weaken their power.
Chengtian was someone who had a particular fondness for playing chess, often neglecting his official duties because of it. The Emperor Taizu once rewarded him with a set of chess pieces, and Chengtian specifically thanked him in a memorial. The Emperor replied, "Is there really a need to make chess pieces out of gold like Zhang Wu?" Chengtian also played the zither, and the Emperor rewarded him with a silver zither. Chengtian had a strained relationship with the Left Minister Xie Yuansu, and the two kept a close watch on each other's mistakes, accusing each other multiple times. The Grand Marshal Wang Yigong received an annual salary of over 30 million coins, as well as 50,000 pieces of cloth and 70,000 hu of rice. Yigong was extravagant and often found himself short on funds. By the 21st year, he even attempted to use next year's budget to cover this year's expenses. According to the old system, expenditures exceeding 200,000 coins or 500 pieces of cloth had to be reported to the court for approval, but he secretly had the court directly allocate him 2 million coins. When the matter was exposed, the Emperor sent someone to question Minister Meng Yi. Meng Yi had just been appointed as a military advisor to the Grand Marshal and had not yet taken office, but he was accused by Chengtian. The Emperor, furious, sent Meng Yi back to his hometown and sentenced him to life imprisonment. Meng Yi had also reported that Chengtian sold 470 bundles of water bamboo to officials for an exorbitant price. Chengtian was dismissed as a result. Meng Yi, also known as Zong, was from Yangxia in Chenjun and was the younger brother of the Intendant Xie Lingyun of Linchuan. He was known to the court for his outstanding talents and ultimately died in confinement. In the 24th year, the Emperor originally wanted Chengtian to be the Minister of Justice, but before he officially took office, the Emperor wanted him to go to the Ministry of Personnel. Chengtian had received a secret decree, but the news leaked out, and he was eventually dismissed from his post. He passed away at the age of 78. Previously, he had compiled a book called "The Book of Rites," with an original manuscript of 800 volumes. Chengtian edited and merged it, organized it by category, and finally condensed it to 300 volumes, also compiling and publishing "Preface," "Miscellaneous Words," and "Compilation of Texts" together. He also revised the "Yuanjia Calendar," the details of which can be found in the "Laws and Calendars."
The historical records comment that the strategy of governing the border areas has been described in great detail in the documents of the previous dynasty. These outsiders are cunning and unpredictable, acting swiftly and difficult to anticipate. It is necessary to repair and improve the border fortifications, strictly enforce the beacon alarm system, making it difficult for the enemy to easily enter and exit, in order to quell uprisings, suppress malevolence, enhance deterrence, and resist foreign invasions. The Han Dynasty continued the practices of the Qin Dynasty, building strong border defenses to restrict outsiders. When the states of Wu and Wei were at war, they also used the Yangtze River and Huai River as battlefield boundaries. No country relied on dangerous terrain to protect the people and maintain peace, defending while cultivating the land, waiting for the right moment to counterattack. The Emperor Gaozu had just established the dynasty, and the territory had not expanded very far. Although defenses were set up along the Yellow River, the military was weak and lacked adequate support, and signs of decline were already evident, which emboldened the enemy. This was probably because the dynasty had just been established, with many shortcomings in various aspects, focusing on internal matters before external ones, resulting in this predicament. From that time on, the border defenses were poorly established, without adequate defense measures or comprehensive farming and war strategies, hoping that the enemy would not attack, so there was no corresponding preparation. The strategies of the Zhou Dynasty and the Han Dynasty failed in the Song Dynasty, ultimately leading to the rampant Hu cavalry, with no defenses in place along the border, and the people could only lament in frustration, living humiliated under the enemy's iron hooves, being captured, imprisoned, with nowhere to appeal, a truly tragic situation! Cheng Tian's "On Defending the Borders," with rich and profound content, is recorded up to this point.
